Pub Date : 2023-01-24DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2169984
P. Stefanini
citizenship” (69), while also exposing the hypocrisy of liberal Britain as a global civilising force. Chapter three draws upon the same sorts of materials examined in chapter two, and on a subject that, as in the case of torture in Madras, has received considerable scholarly attention, the 1865 Morant Bay Uprising in Jamaica, during which military forces tortured and killed British Afro-Jamaican subjects over the course of a month-long period of martial law. It concentrates, however, not on those tortured during the uprising, but on the under-studied perpetrators of such torture, and the role of torture in undermining their claims to liberal citizenship. The problem for the perpetrators of such violence, Anderson notes, was that “torture could foreclose the possibilities of citizenship rather than opening them up” (73). Twisted Words continues its important focus on perpetrators in chapters four and five, which explore what happens when civilian, rather than military, citizen-subjects take up the mantle of the state by attempting to assert, or reassert, their sovereignty through the use of torture – in chapter four, in the family home, and in five, in two settler colonial contexts (in Oceania and southern Africa). These chapters demonstrate how, in addition, understandings of torture expanded to include psychological violence as a form of “domestic terrorism” (15). Returning, again, to fiction, in chapter four Anderson examines works by writers such as George Meredith, George Eliot and Anthony Trollope to elucidate the ways in which unchecked sovereign power by husbands over their wives – who, like colonial subjects, were positioned uncertainly between subjecthood and citizenship – was critiqued by such writers as a danger not only to the bodily well-being and liberal subjectivity of husbands, but to the modern state as well. In chapter five, in contrast, Anderson examines works of fiction by authors such as Louis Becke, Bertram Mitford and W. C. Scully, which demonstrate the brutal reality of life under liberalism in settler colonies through portraying British men who enacted vigilante terrorism against indigenous subjects as rogue citizens of empire who “appropriate the state-of-emergency rhetorics originally invoked by the British state to sanction torture in reaction to perceived social crises” (16). Like the torturing husband, such men ultimately, therefore, served to draw attention to the nature of state terrorism, and in the process to undermine it. Such a function is served, in turn, by Anderson’s excellent book, which will prove of value to scholars in a wide range of disciplines.
{"title":"Problematizing Law, Rights and Childhood in Israel/Palestine","authors":"P. Stefanini","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2169984","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2169984","url":null,"abstract":"citizenship” (69), while also exposing the hypocrisy of liberal Britain as a global civilising force. Chapter three draws upon the same sorts of materials examined in chapter two, and on a subject that, as in the case of torture in Madras, has received considerable scholarly attention, the 1865 Morant Bay Uprising in Jamaica, during which military forces tortured and killed British Afro-Jamaican subjects over the course of a month-long period of martial law. It concentrates, however, not on those tortured during the uprising, but on the under-studied perpetrators of such torture, and the role of torture in undermining their claims to liberal citizenship. The problem for the perpetrators of such violence, Anderson notes, was that “torture could foreclose the possibilities of citizenship rather than opening them up” (73). Twisted Words continues its important focus on perpetrators in chapters four and five, which explore what happens when civilian, rather than military, citizen-subjects take up the mantle of the state by attempting to assert, or reassert, their sovereignty through the use of torture – in chapter four, in the family home, and in five, in two settler colonial contexts (in Oceania and southern Africa). These chapters demonstrate how, in addition, understandings of torture expanded to include psychological violence as a form of “domestic terrorism” (15). Returning, again, to fiction, in chapter four Anderson examines works by writers such as George Meredith, George Eliot and Anthony Trollope to elucidate the ways in which unchecked sovereign power by husbands over their wives – who, like colonial subjects, were positioned uncertainly between subjecthood and citizenship – was critiqued by such writers as a danger not only to the bodily well-being and liberal subjectivity of husbands, but to the modern state as well. In chapter five, in contrast, Anderson examines works of fiction by authors such as Louis Becke, Bertram Mitford and W. C. Scully, which demonstrate the brutal reality of life under liberalism in settler colonies through portraying British men who enacted vigilante terrorism against indigenous subjects as rogue citizens of empire who “appropriate the state-of-emergency rhetorics originally invoked by the British state to sanction torture in reaction to perceived social crises” (16). Like the torturing husband, such men ultimately, therefore, served to draw attention to the nature of state terrorism, and in the process to undermine it. Such a function is served, in turn, by Anderson’s excellent book, which will prove of value to scholars in a wide range of disciplines.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"167 1","pages":"416 - 419"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88376220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-24DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2170514
Kathryn Loosemore, Matthew Johnson
ABSTRACT This article presents a new account of the size and scale of ETA’s activities. Highlighting a range of political considerations that shape existing records of impact, the article traces the deployment of a range of distinct methods of data collection and evidence verification in the creation of the most comprehensive database of ETA’s activities produced to date. The resulting database suggests that ETA’s impact is significantly greater than previously recognised, with a total of 1,047 attacks from 1959 to 2010. Within those attacks, 66 people were kidnapped (32 of whom were killed), 956 people were killed, there were 1949 injuries and 3 post-incident deaths via suicide and cancer that were attributed to trauma. Of the attacks, 503 were bombings, 456 were shootings and 66 were kidnappings. The remaining attacks used other forms of violence (Molotov cocktails, arson, electrocution or being thrown from moving vehicles). This comprehensive account suggests that previous records underestimate the total number of people killed by over 100, with injuries often not even recorded formally. As more murders are detected and attributed to ETA, the methods deployed within this new database will ensure that the impact continues to be tracked. Those methods enable scholars of terrorism to track the impact of organisations more broadly. As such, this article serves as a means of fostering real discussion on methods more broadly, particularly in terms of criteria adopted for a range of political reasons.
{"title":"The challenge of establishing the impact of terrorist organisations: development of a database on ETA’s activities","authors":"Kathryn Loosemore, Matthew Johnson","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2170514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2170514","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article presents a new account of the size and scale of ETA’s activities. Highlighting a range of political considerations that shape existing records of impact, the article traces the deployment of a range of distinct methods of data collection and evidence verification in the creation of the most comprehensive database of ETA’s activities produced to date. The resulting database suggests that ETA’s impact is significantly greater than previously recognised, with a total of 1,047 attacks from 1959 to 2010. Within those attacks, 66 people were kidnapped (32 of whom were killed), 956 people were killed, there were 1949 injuries and 3 post-incident deaths via suicide and cancer that were attributed to trauma. Of the attacks, 503 were bombings, 456 were shootings and 66 were kidnappings. The remaining attacks used other forms of violence (Molotov cocktails, arson, electrocution or being thrown from moving vehicles). This comprehensive account suggests that previous records underestimate the total number of people killed by over 100, with injuries often not even recorded formally. As more murders are detected and attributed to ETA, the methods deployed within this new database will ensure that the impact continues to be tracked. Those methods enable scholars of terrorism to track the impact of organisations more broadly. As such, this article serves as a means of fostering real discussion on methods more broadly, particularly in terms of criteria adopted for a range of political reasons.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"7 1","pages":"396 - 406"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74953318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2166194
Louis A. Cainkar
ABSTRACT Using an analysis of U.S. government policies that have had high impacts on the personal safety and freedom of movement and expression of Arabs, Muslims, and others of Southwest Asian and North African (SWANA) origins living in or seeking to migrate to the US, this article argues that these policies mirror in significant ways a range of policies used currently and historically to police and control Black and brown bodies. Specifically, the article addresses three tactics shared across such policies: pre-emption, containment, and collective responsibility, and demonstrates how they are manifested in specific anti-terrorism and national security policies aimed at Arabs, Muslims, and others of SWANA origins, including Operation Boulder, the War on Terror, Special Registration, Countering Violent Extremism, and the Muslim Ban. The article also examines the outcomes of these policies in terms of actual convictions on terrorism charges (i.e. identifying terrorists) and finds limited results. It concludes that the alleged Muslim/Arab/SWANA domestic terror threat is in large part a social construction of the state. Finally, it argues that while US anti-terror policies are examined by most scholars outside of the lens of race, there is little reason to view them as exceptions to people of colour policing regimes.
{"title":"Racial control under the guise of terror threat: policing of US Muslim, Arab, and SWANA communities","authors":"Louis A. Cainkar","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2166194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2166194","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using an analysis of U.S. government policies that have had high impacts on the personal safety and freedom of movement and expression of Arabs, Muslims, and others of Southwest Asian and North African (SWANA) origins living in or seeking to migrate to the US, this article argues that these policies mirror in significant ways a range of policies used currently and historically to police and control Black and brown bodies. Specifically, the article addresses three tactics shared across such policies: pre-emption, containment, and collective responsibility, and demonstrates how they are manifested in specific anti-terrorism and national security policies aimed at Arabs, Muslims, and others of SWANA origins, including Operation Boulder, the War on Terror, Special Registration, Countering Violent Extremism, and the Muslim Ban. The article also examines the outcomes of these policies in terms of actual convictions on terrorism charges (i.e. identifying terrorists) and finds limited results. It concludes that the alleged Muslim/Arab/SWANA domestic terror threat is in large part a social construction of the state. Finally, it argues that while US anti-terror policies are examined by most scholars outside of the lens of race, there is little reason to view them as exceptions to people of colour policing regimes.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"40 1","pages":"152 - 175"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76997798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2150358
Jacque Micieli-Voutsinas
ABSTRACT More than a decade after the murder of Trayvon Martin and the creation of the Black Lives Matter protest movement, extrajudicial killings have become all too commonplace in the post-9/11 landscape, mirroring two decades of racialised surveillance against Arab and Muslim populations in the name of counter-terrorism. This paper maps Blackness’ proximity to the U.S. nation-state amidst the emergence of 9/11 memory and the post-9/11 counter-terrorism imaginary. Paramount to the longest war in US history (2001–2021), for example, Black patriotism is a powerful product and purveyor of the military industrial complex’s Global War on Terror. Yet while Black heroism and sacrifice are deeply encoded within the post-9/11 imaginary at the National September 11 Memorial & Museum at the World Trade Center, the Global War on Terrorism has ushered in the re-racialisation of both Brown and Black communities, as well as the fantasy of a “post-racial” nation now firmly in ruin in the age of Trumpism and the alt-right. Analysing key artefacts and narrative scripts within the 9/11 Memorial & Museum, I argue that 9/11 memory and the Global War on Terrorism work in tandem to reproduce new/old geographies of “terror” and “threat”, investigating how Blackness has always been central to the racialised logics of counter-terrorism and state surveillance.
在特雷沃恩·马丁(Trayvon Martin)被谋杀和“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)抗议运动发起十多年后，法外处决在9/11事件后的情况下变得太过普遍，反映了20年来以反恐名义对阿拉伯和穆斯林人口进行种族化监控的情况。本文在9/11记忆和后9/11反恐想象的出现中描绘了黑人与美国民族国家的接近。例如，对于美国历史上最长的战争(2001-2021)来说，黑人爱国主义是军事工业综合体全球反恐战争的强大产品和提供者。然而，尽管黑人的英雄主义和牺牲精神在世界贸易中心的9/11国家纪念博物馆(National Memorial & Museum)中被深深植入了后9/11时代的想象中，但全球反恐战争却带来了布朗和黑人社区的重新种族化，以及在特朗普主义和另类右翼时代，一个“后种族”国家已经彻底毁灭的幻想。通过分析9/11纪念馆和博物馆内的关键文物和叙事脚本，我认为9/11记忆和全球反恐战争协同工作，重现了“恐怖”和“威胁”的新/旧地理，调查了黑人如何始终是反恐和国家监视的种族化逻辑的核心。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2022.2161155
M. Maarouf
ABSTRACT This study explores the politics of naming in the Islamic state (IS) media networks, looking into how sympathisers’ (munāsir-s) virtual identities are socially constructed online. Naming is a discursive practice which is purely ideological in that when sympathisers name themselves online, they re-imagine their roles and the boundaries of their national belonging alongside cultural representations of the organisation. By naming, they reify IS cultural heritage which is recontextualised from the historical legacy of the Prophet and Islamic Conquest. By naming, they also amplify IS hegemonic cultural frames and master narratives. In this sense, naming oneself in the IS virtual ecosystem is a significant rhetorical strategy that may fulfil at least one of the three main cultural functions. Names may (1) imitate historical role models, (2) reconstruct the sense of belonging to homophilic communities (brothers of the same faith) beyond ethno-racial geographies, and/or (3) convey a politically religionist bias in constructing the self vs. the other. The politics of naming is an online social learning process in which collective intelligence instructs sympathisers on how to create accounts with innovative iconic/connotative identifying aliases. In IS social ecology, naming may stand for a ritual call to adventure, the destination of which is already recognised. Sympathisers are interpellated as jihadi subjects to cross the threshold of their ordinary world and embark on a virtual journey to media jihad – hence, their recognition of their new subject positions in support groups and the potential manufacturing of their loyalty and disavowal (al-walā’ wa l-barā’).
本研究探讨了伊斯兰国(IS)媒体网络中的命名政治，研究了同情者(munāsir-s)的虚拟身份是如何在网上社会建构的。命名是一种纯粹意识形态的话语实践，当同情者在网上为自己命名时，他们会重新想象自己的角色和国家归属的边界，以及组织的文化表征。通过命名，他们从先知和伊斯兰征服的历史遗产中重新定位了IS的文化遗产。通过命名，他们也放大了IS的霸权文化框架和主导叙事。从这个意义上说，在IS虚拟生态系统中命名自己是一种重要的修辞策略，可以至少实现三个主要文化功能中的一个。名字可能(1)模仿历史上的角色典范，(2)重建超越民族-种族地理的同性恋社区(相同信仰的兄弟)的归属感，和/或(3)在构建自我与他者时传达一种政治上的宗教偏见。命名政治是一个在线社会学习过程，在这个过程中，集体智慧指导同情者如何使用创新的标志性/内涵识别别名创建账户。在他的社会生态中，命名可能代表着一种冒险的仪式召唤，其目的地已经被确认。同情者被要求作为圣战的主体，跨越他们平常世界的门槛，踏上通往媒体圣战的虚拟之旅——因此，他们承认自己在支持团体中的新主体地位，并潜在地制造他们的忠诚和否认(al- wali ' wal - bari ')。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2166656
Antonella Acinapura
ABSTRACT This article examines the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine’s (PIJ) framing to explain the radicalisation and short-term tactical variations of its violent repertoires of action during the Second Intifada. By adopting a framing-sensitive approach, the analysis reveals that PIJ actions should be approached as relational performances that communicated a symbolic message to different audiences, beyond their immediate targets. This, in turn, solves some of the puzzles regarding the mixed effects of repression on political violence. Furthermore, by analysing PIJ through the lens of social movement theory, the article contributes to de-orientalise the academic knowledge on this group by highlighting the context-dependent character of its mobilisation strategies against Israel.
{"title":"A framing-sensitive approach to militant groups’ tactics: the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine and the radicalisation of violence during the Second Intifada","authors":"Antonella Acinapura","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2166656","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2166656","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine’s (PIJ) framing to explain the radicalisation and short-term tactical variations of its violent repertoires of action during the Second Intifada. By adopting a framing-sensitive approach, the analysis reveals that PIJ actions should be approached as relational performances that communicated a symbolic message to different audiences, beyond their immediate targets. This, in turn, solves some of the puzzles regarding the mixed effects of repression on political violence. Furthermore, by analysing PIJ through the lens of social movement theory, the article contributes to de-orientalise the academic knowledge on this group by highlighting the context-dependent character of its mobilisation strategies against Israel.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"14 1","pages":"123 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90132618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2173126
Sabrina Alimahomed-Wilson, Yazan Zahzah
ABSTRACT Counterterrorism continues to play a central role in international and national security strategies, including an expansion of a controversial programme known as Countering Violent Extremism (CVE). A central aspect of CVE frameworks is the integration of gendered counterterrorism programming and women into its scope and operations, which has been undertheorized or seen as less consequential compared to examining solely the racialised impacts of such programming. We argue that CVE’s incorporation of gendered approaches to counterterrorism, including its use of women’s empowerment initiatives, helps it secure traction and political legitimacy among the global community while undermining autonomous community movements. Our research documents the global reach of CVE beyond the US and its incorporation of gender, including tracing the entwinement of CVE with an important UN global initiative, Security Council Resolution 1325: Women, Peace, and Security (WPS). WPS programming draws on soft surveillance tactics that resource communities and invite intel. Alongside hard surveillance, the normalisation of soft surveillance programming allows for the institutionalisation of War on Terror ideologies in social sectors, in turn expanding the criminalisation of social justice movements wary of US militarisation both domestically and abroad.
{"title":"Women and Warcare: Gendered Islamophobia in Counterterrorism","authors":"Sabrina Alimahomed-Wilson, Yazan Zahzah","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2173126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2173126","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Counterterrorism continues to play a central role in international and national security strategies, including an expansion of a controversial programme known as Countering Violent Extremism (CVE). A central aspect of CVE frameworks is the integration of gendered counterterrorism programming and women into its scope and operations, which has been undertheorized or seen as less consequential compared to examining solely the racialised impacts of such programming. We argue that CVE’s incorporation of gendered approaches to counterterrorism, including its use of women’s empowerment initiatives, helps it secure traction and political legitimacy among the global community while undermining autonomous community movements. Our research documents the global reach of CVE beyond the US and its incorporation of gender, including tracing the entwinement of CVE with an important UN global initiative, Security Council Resolution 1325: Women, Peace, and Security (WPS). WPS programming draws on soft surveillance tactics that resource communities and invite intel. Alongside hard surveillance, the normalisation of soft surveillance programming allows for the institutionalisation of War on Terror ideologies in social sectors, in turn expanding the criminalisation of social justice movements wary of US militarisation both domestically and abroad.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"70 1","pages":"240 - 262"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90505493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2173862
Jacque Micieli-Voutsinas, Nicole Nguyen
The right-wing attack on the US capital on 6 January 2021 dramatically illuminated the cultural consequences of Trumpism as a euphemism for White Supremacist violence and political thought in the United States. The egregious abuse of executive authority and federal collusion by the Trump administration during both the attempted coup and Black Lives Matter protests during the Summer of Racial Reckoning, for example, saliently marked the convergence of state-sponsored violence, White supremacy, and post-9/11 war on terror discourses, as they were mobilised to frame a new (race) war “at home,” deepening the erasure of constitutional protections in the name of so-called national security.
2021年1月6日对美国首都的右翼袭击戏剧性地揭示了特朗普主义作为美国白人至上主义暴力和政治思想的委婉说法的文化后果。例如，特朗普政府在未遂政变和“种族审判之夏”(Summer of Racial Reckoning)期间的“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)抗议活动中滥用行政权力和联邦政府勾结的行为，明显标志着国家支持的暴力、白人至上主义和后9/11反恐战争话语的融合，因为它们被动员起来“在国内”策划一场新的(种族)战争，以所谓的国家安全为名，加深了对宪法保护的抹去。
{"title":"Editors’ introduction: white supremacy in the age of (counter-)terror","authors":"Jacque Micieli-Voutsinas, Nicole Nguyen","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2173862","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2173862","url":null,"abstract":"The right-wing attack on the US capital on 6 January 2021 dramatically illuminated the cultural consequences of Trumpism as a euphemism for White Supremacist violence and political thought in the United States. The egregious abuse of executive authority and federal collusion by the Trump administration during both the attempted coup and Black Lives Matter protests during the Summer of Racial Reckoning, for example, saliently marked the convergence of state-sponsored violence, White supremacy, and post-9/11 war on terror discourses, as they were mobilised to frame a new (race) war “at home,” deepening the erasure of constitutional protections in the name of so-called national security.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"50 1","pages":"146 - 151"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89577988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2170737
Nicole Nguyen, Yazan Zahzah
ABSTRACT After the January 6 attempted armed takeover of the Capitol, many commentators warned that describing the day as an act of domestic terrorism risked intensifying policing regimes targeting communities of colour. Others, however, encouraged the broadening of the domestic terrorism label to include armed white supremacists, given their violent efforts at regime change. Although these interventions have debated both the danger and utility in applying the terrorism label, few have challenged the concept of terrorism itself. Is terrorism a useful interpretive framework to understand the wide-ranging forms of political violence given that label, such as the September 11 attacks, the January 6 events, the Indigenous water protectors contesting the Dakota Access Pipeline, and the Black organisers classified as “Black Identity Extremists” for protesting police brutality? What are the material dangers of collapsing divergent political groups embedded in vastly different power relations under the terrorism label? Guided by these questions, this article examines the evolution of political vies for power between state and non-state actors to theorise counterviolence as a conceptual framework capable of interrogating the relationship between power, politics, and violence to better understand acts facilely reduced to “terrorism.”
{"title":"Rethinking the Beirut bombing, rethinking terrorism: theorising counterviolence","authors":"Nicole Nguyen, Yazan Zahzah","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2170737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2170737","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT After the January 6 attempted armed takeover of the Capitol, many commentators warned that describing the day as an act of domestic terrorism risked intensifying policing regimes targeting communities of colour. Others, however, encouraged the broadening of the domestic terrorism label to include armed white supremacists, given their violent efforts at regime change. Although these interventions have debated both the danger and utility in applying the terrorism label, few have challenged the concept of terrorism itself. Is terrorism a useful interpretive framework to understand the wide-ranging forms of political violence given that label, such as the September 11 attacks, the January 6 events, the Indigenous water protectors contesting the Dakota Access Pipeline, and the Black organisers classified as “Black Identity Extremists” for protesting police brutality? What are the material dangers of collapsing divergent political groups embedded in vastly different power relations under the terrorism label? Guided by these questions, this article examines the evolution of political vies for power between state and non-state actors to theorise counterviolence as a conceptual framework capable of interrogating the relationship between power, politics, and violence to better understand acts facilely reduced to “terrorism.”","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"83 1","pages":"263 - 286"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78924919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/17539153.2023.2170513
Carla Angulo-Pasel
ABSTRACT The relationship between border security and immigration has always been contentious and politically divisive. Using the cases of the War on Drugs (WoD), the War on Terror (WoT) and then the Migrant “Caravan” of 2018, I show that border security and enforcement have followed a historical pattern of racialised and gendered hierarchies using the prominent language frames of crime, war and invasion to negatively construct the migrant as “other” and the national security state as protector. These policies have shaped an environment by which state violence and state-sanctioned violence of non-state actors, such as vigilante/militia groups, become an acceptable response to protect the “Homeland” from vilified “others”. Racialised and gendered hierarchies are deeply entrenched in the US national security state, have (re)produced through time and thus, historically, the system has been designed to promote an environment by which practices of exclusion and expulsion become justified by both state and non-state actors. This calls into question definitions of terrorism, which do not adequately address the violence perpetrated by government forces and/or those non-state actors who are explicitly and implicitly supported by the nation-state.
{"title":"Border vigilante/Militia activity, the National Security State, and the Migrant “Threat”","authors":"Carla Angulo-Pasel","doi":"10.1080/17539153.2023.2170513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2023.2170513","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The relationship between border security and immigration has always been contentious and politically divisive. Using the cases of the War on Drugs (WoD), the War on Terror (WoT) and then the Migrant “Caravan” of 2018, I show that border security and enforcement have followed a historical pattern of racialised and gendered hierarchies using the prominent language frames of crime, war and invasion to negatively construct the migrant as “other” and the national security state as protector. These policies have shaped an environment by which state violence and state-sanctioned violence of non-state actors, such as vigilante/militia groups, become an acceptable response to protect the “Homeland” from vilified “others”. Racialised and gendered hierarchies are deeply entrenched in the US national security state, have (re)produced through time and thus, historically, the system has been designed to promote an environment by which practices of exclusion and expulsion become justified by both state and non-state actors. This calls into question definitions of terrorism, which do not adequately address the violence perpetrated by government forces and/or those non-state actors who are explicitly and implicitly supported by the nation-state.","PeriodicalId":46483,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Terrorism","volume":"204 1","pages":"192 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77031962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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