Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/lag.2023.a899555
Wendy Jepson, P. Tomaz, Household Water Insecurity Experiences Consortium
abstract:Household water insecurity metrics represent an important advance in science and policy for measuring human water needs. Using cross-sectional data from 1,549 rural and urban households in the states of Ceará and Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil, surveyed between 2017 and 2019, this study developed and validated a twelve-item household water insecurity experiences scale for Northeast Brazil (HWISE-NEB) for two recall periods (four weeks and four months). We then examined the links between household characteristics and household water insecurity. The HWISE-NEB scale was associated with structural factors (intermittency and unpredictability), with intermittency exerting the strongest effects across both recall periods. Percent of income dedicated to water expenditures has a weaker but significant association with household water insecurity across both recall periods. The results confirm that household water insecurity experiences are increasing in rural andurban areas, and they are associated with structural factors, not demographic factors, suggesting that policy remedies need to target water governance and performance as a way to address household-level water insecurity challenges. The validated scale provides a critical tool for researchers and policymakers to measure the prevalence of household water insecurity, benchmark progress to improve conditions of water insecurity, and assess the potential impacts of interventions and policies.resumo:As métricas de insegurança hídrica doméstica representam um avanço importante na ciência e na política para medir as necessidades humanas de água. Usando dados transversais de 1.549 domicílios rurais e urbanos nos estados do Ceará e Rio Grande do Norte pesquisados entre 2017 e 2019, este estudo desenvolveu e validou uma escala de doze itens de experiências de insegurança hídrica domiciliar para o Nordeste do Brasil (HWISE-NEB) para dois períodos de recordação (quatro semanas; quatro meses). Em seguida, examinamos as correlações entre as características do domicílio e a insegurança hídrica domiciliar. A escala HWISE-NEB foi associada a fatores estruturais (intermitência, imprevisibilidade), com a intermitência exercendo os efeitos mais fortes em ambos os períodos recordatórios. A porcentagem da renda dedicada aos gastos com água tem uma associação fraca, mas significativa, com a insegurança hídrica das famílias em ambos os períodos de recordação. Os resultados confirmam que as crescentes experiências de insegurança hídrica domiciliar estão presentes em áreas rurais e urbanas e estão associadas a fatores estruturais, não a fatores demográficos, sugerindo que as medidas políticas precisam direcionar a governança da água como um meio de enfrentar os desafios de insegurança hídrica em nível familiar. A escala validada fornece uma ferramenta crítica para pesquisadores e formuladores de políticas medirem a prevalência de insegurança hídrica domiciliar, avaliarem o progresso para melhorar as condições de insegu
家庭用水不安全指标是衡量人类用水需求的科学和政策的重要进展。本研究利用2017年至2019年期间对巴西塞埃尔州和巴西北大州1549个农村和城市家庭的横断面数据，开发并验证了巴西东北部(HWISE-NEB)的12项家庭水不安全体验量表，用于两个召回期(四周和四个月)。然后，我们研究了家庭特征与家庭用水不安全之间的联系。HWISE-NEB量表与结构因素(间歇性和不可预测性)相关，其中间歇性在两个回忆期都发挥了最强的作用。在两个召回期内，用于水支出的收入百分比与家庭用水不安全的关联较弱但显著。研究结果证实，农村和城市地区的家庭用水不安全状况正在增加，这与结构性因素而非人口因素有关，这表明政策补救措施需要针对水治理和绩效，以此作为解决家庭用水不安全挑战的一种方式。经过验证的量表为研究人员和政策制定者提供了一个重要工具，可以衡量家庭用水不安全的普遍程度，衡量改善水不安全状况的进展，并评估干预措施和政策的潜在影响。resumo: metricas de inseguranca hidrica有representam嗯avanco重要na na politica para medir ciencia e作为necessidades胡玛纳德阿瓜。巴西北部地区(HWISE-NEB):巴西北部地区(HWISE-NEB):巴西北部地区(HWISE-NEB):巴西北部地区(HWISE-NEB):巴西北部地区(HWISE-NEB):巴西北部地区(HWISE-NEB):巴西北部地区(períodos):巴西北部地区(quatro semanas);四弦吉他mes)。在本指南中，考试中心为correlações中心，características中心为domicílio中心，考试中心为características中心为domicílio中心，考试中心为hídrica住所。一个escala HWISE-NEB用于关联和存储结构(intermitência, imprevisbilidade)， com和intermitência的应用程序，其主要功能是在períodos recordatórios上运行。A porcentagem da renda dedicada aos gastos com água tem uma associa。o resultados confirmam que as crescentes experiências de insegurana hídrica domiciliar est o presentem áreas ururais e urbanas e est o associadas a fatores eststructurais, n a fatores demográficos, sugerindo que as medidas políticas precisam director a governanda água como um meio de enfrentar Os desafios de insegurana hídrica em nível familiar。A escala validada fornecence uma ferramenta crítica para pesquisadores e formuladores de políticas medirem和prevalência de insegurana hídrica domiciliar, avalim to progresso para melhorar as condições de insegurana hídrica e impact actutos potentiare de intervenções e políticas públicas。
{"title":"Development and Validation of a Household Water Insecurity Scale for Northeast Brazil = Desenvolvimento e validação de uma escala de insegurança hídrica domiciliar para o Nordeste do Brasil","authors":"Wendy Jepson, P. Tomaz, Household Water Insecurity Experiences Consortium","doi":"10.1353/lag.2023.a899555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/lag.2023.a899555","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:Household water insecurity metrics represent an important advance in science and policy for measuring human water needs. Using cross-sectional data from 1,549 rural and urban households in the states of Ceará and Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil, surveyed between 2017 and 2019, this study developed and validated a twelve-item household water insecurity experiences scale for Northeast Brazil (HWISE-NEB) for two recall periods (four weeks and four months). We then examined the links between household characteristics and household water insecurity. The HWISE-NEB scale was associated with structural factors (intermittency and unpredictability), with intermittency exerting the strongest effects across both recall periods. Percent of income dedicated to water expenditures has a weaker but significant association with household water insecurity across both recall periods. The results confirm that household water insecurity experiences are increasing in rural andurban areas, and they are associated with structural factors, not demographic factors, suggesting that policy remedies need to target water governance and performance as a way to address household-level water insecurity challenges. The validated scale provides a critical tool for researchers and policymakers to measure the prevalence of household water insecurity, benchmark progress to improve conditions of water insecurity, and assess the potential impacts of interventions and policies.resumo:As métricas de insegurança hídrica doméstica representam um avanço importante na ciência e na política para medir as necessidades humanas de água. Usando dados transversais de 1.549 domicílios rurais e urbanos nos estados do Ceará e Rio Grande do Norte pesquisados entre 2017 e 2019, este estudo desenvolveu e validou uma escala de doze itens de experiências de insegurança hídrica domiciliar para o Nordeste do Brasil (HWISE-NEB) para dois períodos de recordação (quatro semanas; quatro meses). Em seguida, examinamos as correlações entre as características do domicílio e a insegurança hídrica domiciliar. A escala HWISE-NEB foi associada a fatores estruturais (intermitência, imprevisibilidade), com a intermitência exercendo os efeitos mais fortes em ambos os períodos recordatórios. A porcentagem da renda dedicada aos gastos com água tem uma associação fraca, mas significativa, com a insegurança hídrica das famílias em ambos os períodos de recordação. Os resultados confirmam que as crescentes experiências de insegurança hídrica domiciliar estão presentes em áreas rurais e urbanas e estão associadas a fatores estruturais, não a fatores demográficos, sugerindo que as medidas políticas precisam direcionar a governança da água como um meio de enfrentar os desafios de insegurança hídrica em nível familiar. A escala validada fornece uma ferramenta crítica para pesquisadores e formuladores de políticas medirem a prevalência de insegurança hídrica domiciliar, avaliarem o progresso para melhorar as condições de insegu","PeriodicalId":46531,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin American Geography","volume":"22 1","pages":"115 - 83"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42006670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/lag.2023.a899562
E. Carter
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Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/lag.2023.a899559
LI Beida
R A!ect, Ecofeminism, and Intersectional Struggles: A Tribute to Berta Cáceres by Irune del Rio Gabiola is allowing yourself to be guided by emotions, to feel out the pages and the author’s voice. Del Rio Gabiola describes her book as an active act of mourning Berta Cáceres and other environmentalists in Honduras, which is one of the most dangerous countries for environmental activists. Del Rio Gabiola takes the readers on an a'ective journey through the work of Consejo Cívico de Organizaciones Populares e Indígenas de Honduras (COPINH) and its founder, Berta Cáceres, one of the world’s most celebrated environmental activists, who was murdered in her home in La Esperanza, Honduras, in March 2016. By analyzing the role of feelings and emotions, from outrage to care and solidarity, in Cáceres’s and COPINH’s struggle against the Chinese-Honduran hydropower dam on the Gualcarque River, the book’s theoretical contribution provides a framework for understanding decolonization and Indigenous struggles for sovereignty through a'ect: paving the way toward environmental justice by “moving and touching as many individuals as possible” (p. 18). Del Rio Gabiola’s book is both a helpful guide to affect theory, ecofeminism, and psychoanalysis, and a captivating reconstruction of Cáceres’s activism through her work at COPINH, the events and circumstances in the lead-up to her assassination, as well as the wave of international outrage that followed. Building upon the work of a multitude of scholars who have engaged with various aspects of the a'ective turn (see, for example, Clough, 2008), the author argues that a'ect theory has been based upon the Western understandings of emotions, which so far have failed to incorporate Indigenous and other non-Western, non-binary perspectives; in Western thought, femininity is o-en associated with negativity and with emotions that are perceived as dangerous to “the projects of civilization” (p. 12). In the book, del Rio Gabiola demonstrates “how Berta and COPINH’s affective journey has embraced an intersectional analysis of struggles that integrate di'erence to achieve social justice” (p. 13). While focusing primarily on the environmental activism of COPINH, del Rio Gabiola also highlights that the organization seeks broader goals: Irune del Rio Gabiola A!ect, Ecofeminism, and Intersectional Struggles in Latin America. A Tribute to Berta Cáceres. New York: Peter Lang, 2020. xiv + 184 pp. 8 color illustrations, endnotes. $98.95 hardcover (ISBN: 978-1-433-15909-1); $94.45 eBook (ISBN: 978-1-433-16555-9).
{"title":"Affect, Ecofeminism, and Intersectional Struggles in Latin America. A Tribute to Berta Cáceres by Irune del Rio Gabiola (review)","authors":"LI Beida","doi":"10.1353/lag.2023.a899559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/lag.2023.a899559","url":null,"abstract":"R A!ect, Ecofeminism, and Intersectional Struggles: A Tribute to Berta Cáceres by Irune del Rio Gabiola is allowing yourself to be guided by emotions, to feel out the pages and the author’s voice. Del Rio Gabiola describes her book as an active act of mourning Berta Cáceres and other environmentalists in Honduras, which is one of the most dangerous countries for environmental activists. Del Rio Gabiola takes the readers on an a'ective journey through the work of Consejo Cívico de Organizaciones Populares e Indígenas de Honduras (COPINH) and its founder, Berta Cáceres, one of the world’s most celebrated environmental activists, who was murdered in her home in La Esperanza, Honduras, in March 2016. By analyzing the role of feelings and emotions, from outrage to care and solidarity, in Cáceres’s and COPINH’s struggle against the Chinese-Honduran hydropower dam on the Gualcarque River, the book’s theoretical contribution provides a framework for understanding decolonization and Indigenous struggles for sovereignty through a'ect: paving the way toward environmental justice by “moving and touching as many individuals as possible” (p. 18). Del Rio Gabiola’s book is both a helpful guide to affect theory, ecofeminism, and psychoanalysis, and a captivating reconstruction of Cáceres’s activism through her work at COPINH, the events and circumstances in the lead-up to her assassination, as well as the wave of international outrage that followed. Building upon the work of a multitude of scholars who have engaged with various aspects of the a'ective turn (see, for example, Clough, 2008), the author argues that a'ect theory has been based upon the Western understandings of emotions, which so far have failed to incorporate Indigenous and other non-Western, non-binary perspectives; in Western thought, femininity is o-en associated with negativity and with emotions that are perceived as dangerous to “the projects of civilization” (p. 12). In the book, del Rio Gabiola demonstrates “how Berta and COPINH’s affective journey has embraced an intersectional analysis of struggles that integrate di'erence to achieve social justice” (p. 13). While focusing primarily on the environmental activism of COPINH, del Rio Gabiola also highlights that the organization seeks broader goals: Irune del Rio Gabiola A!ect, Ecofeminism, and Intersectional Struggles in Latin America. A Tribute to Berta Cáceres. New York: Peter Lang, 2020. xiv + 184 pp. 8 color illustrations, endnotes. $98.95 hardcover (ISBN: 978-1-433-15909-1); $94.45 eBook (ISBN: 978-1-433-16555-9).","PeriodicalId":46531,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin American Geography","volume":"22 1","pages":"167 - 169"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45065742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/lag.2023.a899558
Martha G. Bell, Karl S. Zimmerer, Odolin Saturnino Rodríguez Tinoco
Following the Water Uphill?The Spread of Blueberry Cultivation to the Mountains of Áncash, Peru Martha G. Bell, Karl S. Zimmerer, and Odolin Saturnino Rodríguez Tinoco Landscape observers in peru's Án-cash region have been concerned for over a decade about the impact of climate change on the shrinking glaciers of the Cordillera Blanca and the Santa River watershed (Bury et al., 2013). However, the Santa River valley, which is known locally as Callejón de Huaylas and is one of Peru's most important inter-Andean valleys, has been experiencing a second dramatic landscape change that has gone mostly unnoticed by outsiders. It has rapidly become covered by huge swathes of white plastic used in the construction of high tunnels for blueberry production (Figure 1).1 Primarily for export, this production is transforming resource use as well as valley aesthetics, with impacts for diverse sectors of society in Áncash. Furthermore, it suggests potential new trends in global agro-exports. Commercial blueberry production in Peru began in 2007 and has expanded rapidly through a national campaign since 2012: from 50 hectares (ha) cultivated in 2012 to more than 18,000 ha in 2022 (Cordano, 2016; León Carrasco, 2023). [End Page 156] Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. Blueberries cultivated in high tunnels near Caraz, Áncash, Peru (Photograph by Marcia Castromonte, February 17, 2023). Blueberries are currently the agro-export crop that generates the highest sales. In 2022, sales totaled US$ 1,435 million, approximately 14 percent of Peru's total agro-export sales (Agraria.pe, 2023). Peru has also become the world's leading exporter of the fruit (freshfruitportal.com, 2023), producing more than 276,000 metric tons in 2022 (Agraria.pe, 2023). This has corresponded to the larger expansion of "non-traditional agricultural exports" (NTAEs) across Latin America, which, beginning in the 1990s, saw production booms of grapes, avocados, mangos, asparagus, and other crops along Peru's desert coast. This growth has depended on large-scale agribusiness and government investment in irrigation projects and "technified" agriculture as well as inexpensive labor and new trade and legal arrangements (Williams & Murray, 2019; Lombana, 2020; Crespi, 2022). Peru's blueberry boom depends on distinctive varietal management and new geographic strategies for production. In 2023, the most prevalent blueberry varieties included Emerald and Biloxi, which are extra-large, firm, sweet, crunchy varieties that can survive cold storage and shipping (Ilyas, 2023). These are so-called zero or low chill varieties, which require reduced hours at cool temperatures (below 7 oC) compared to other varieties, and are thus suitable for Peru's warmer temperatures (especially on the coast but also in the Callejón de Huaylas). In addition to these [End Page 157] Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 2. High tunnels for blueberry growing in the valley bottom of Callejón de Huaylas,
顺着水流上坡?秘鲁Án-cash地区的景观观察员十多年来一直关注气候变化对科迪勒拉布兰卡和圣塔河流域冰川萎缩的影响(Bury et al.， 2013)。然而，被当地人称为Callejón de Huaylas的圣塔河谷是秘鲁最重要的安第斯山脉间山谷之一，它正在经历第二次戏剧性的景观变化，而外人几乎没有注意到这一点。它很快被大片的白色塑料覆盖，这些塑料用于建造用于蓝莓生产的高隧道(图1)主要用于出口，这种生产正在改变资源利用和山谷美学，对Áncash的社会各个部门产生影响。此外，报告还提出了全球农产品出口的潜在新趋势。秘鲁的商业蓝莓生产始于2007年，自2012年以来通过一项全国运动迅速扩大:从2012年的50公顷(ha)种植到2022年的18,000多公顷(Cordano, 2016年;León卡拉斯科，2023)。[结束页156]点击查看大图查看全分辨率图1。在秘鲁卡拉兹Áncash附近的高隧道中种植的蓝莓(Marcia Castromonte摄于2023年2月17日)。蓝莓是目前销售额最高的农产品出口作物。2022年，销售总额达14.35亿美元，约占秘鲁农产品出口销售总额的14%。体育,2023)。秘鲁也成为世界上主要的水果出口国(freshfruitportal.com, 2023)， 2022年的产量超过276,000公吨(Agraria)。体育,2023)。这与拉丁美洲“非传统农业出口”(NTAEs)的大规模扩张相对应，从20世纪90年代开始，秘鲁沙漠沿岸的葡萄、牛油果、芒果、芦笋和其他作物的产量激增。这种增长依赖于大规模农业综合企业和政府对灌溉项目和“技术化”农业的投资，以及廉价劳动力和新的贸易和法律安排(Williams & Murray, 2019;Lombana, 2020;Crespi, 2022)。秘鲁蓝莓的繁荣依赖于独特的品种管理和新的生产地理策略。在2023年，最流行的蓝莓品种包括Emerald和Biloxi，它们是超大的、结实的、甜的、脆的品种，可以在冷藏和运输中存活下来(Ilyas, 2023)。这些是所谓的零寒或低寒品种，与其他品种相比，它们需要在凉爽的温度下(低于7摄氏度)的时间较少，因此适合秘鲁的温暖温度(特别是在沿海地区，但也适用于Callejón de Huaylas)。除此之外[End Page 157]点击查看大图查看全分辨率图2。秘鲁Áncash de Huaylas (Fundo San Lauro和Fundo Santa Catalina, Grupo Athos)谷底生长的蓝莓高高的隧道(谷歌地球，2021年8月8日)。作为农产品出口的常见属性，蓝莓的扩张需要将以前“未充分利用”的土地纳入农产品出口模式，从而改变新的地理空间。虽然在以前的农业出口增长中，这些空间通常位于秘鲁的沙漠海岸，但现在是海拔较高的地区，特别是Áncash、La Libertad、Cajamarca和piura的安第斯山脉间山谷，这些地区的地表水更丰富，降雨温和，没有霜降，土地和劳动力可用，是蓝莓生产的目标(Cordano, 2016;国家卫生服务部门Perú， 2019)。我们的描述集中在所有这些生产因素上，特别关注上坡空间中水可用性的作用。安第斯山脉间山谷的蓝莓种植主要发生在卡拉兹市附近，卡拉兹市位于相对宽阔、平坦的圣塔河谷(Callejón de Huaylas)。圣塔河的水源是冰川融水，这些融水来自于世界上一些最重要的热带冰川所在的科迪勒拉布兰卡山脉。在二十世纪，卡拉兹地区的农学家，包括土著农民社区(Comunidades Campesinas)以及小农和中型农场，利用灌溉来种植产品以供国家使用。
{"title":"Following the Water Uphill? The Spread of Blueberry Cultivation to the Mountains of Áncash, Peru = ¿Siguiendo el agua cuesta arriba? La expansión del cultivo del arándano en la sierra de Áncash, Perú","authors":"Martha G. Bell, Karl S. Zimmerer, Odolin Saturnino Rodríguez Tinoco","doi":"10.1353/lag.2023.a899558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/lag.2023.a899558","url":null,"abstract":"Following the Water Uphill?The Spread of Blueberry Cultivation to the Mountains of Áncash, Peru Martha G. Bell, Karl S. Zimmerer, and Odolin Saturnino Rodríguez Tinoco Landscape observers in peru's Án-cash region have been concerned for over a decade about the impact of climate change on the shrinking glaciers of the Cordillera Blanca and the Santa River watershed (Bury et al., 2013). However, the Santa River valley, which is known locally as Callejón de Huaylas and is one of Peru's most important inter-Andean valleys, has been experiencing a second dramatic landscape change that has gone mostly unnoticed by outsiders. It has rapidly become covered by huge swathes of white plastic used in the construction of high tunnels for blueberry production (Figure 1).1 Primarily for export, this production is transforming resource use as well as valley aesthetics, with impacts for diverse sectors of society in Áncash. Furthermore, it suggests potential new trends in global agro-exports. Commercial blueberry production in Peru began in 2007 and has expanded rapidly through a national campaign since 2012: from 50 hectares (ha) cultivated in 2012 to more than 18,000 ha in 2022 (Cordano, 2016; León Carrasco, 2023). [End Page 156] Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. Blueberries cultivated in high tunnels near Caraz, Áncash, Peru (Photograph by Marcia Castromonte, February 17, 2023). Blueberries are currently the agro-export crop that generates the highest sales. In 2022, sales totaled US$ 1,435 million, approximately 14 percent of Peru's total agro-export sales (Agraria.pe, 2023). Peru has also become the world's leading exporter of the fruit (freshfruitportal.com, 2023), producing more than 276,000 metric tons in 2022 (Agraria.pe, 2023). This has corresponded to the larger expansion of \"non-traditional agricultural exports\" (NTAEs) across Latin America, which, beginning in the 1990s, saw production booms of grapes, avocados, mangos, asparagus, and other crops along Peru's desert coast. This growth has depended on large-scale agribusiness and government investment in irrigation projects and \"technified\" agriculture as well as inexpensive labor and new trade and legal arrangements (Williams & Murray, 2019; Lombana, 2020; Crespi, 2022). Peru's blueberry boom depends on distinctive varietal management and new geographic strategies for production. In 2023, the most prevalent blueberry varieties included Emerald and Biloxi, which are extra-large, firm, sweet, crunchy varieties that can survive cold storage and shipping (Ilyas, 2023). These are so-called zero or low chill varieties, which require reduced hours at cool temperatures (below 7 oC) compared to other varieties, and are thus suitable for Peru's warmer temperatures (especially on the coast but also in the Callejón de Huaylas). In addition to these [End Page 157] Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 2. High tunnels for blueberry growing in the valley bottom of Callejón de Huaylas,","PeriodicalId":46531,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin American Geography","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136172778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/lag.2023.a899561
Eric D. Carter
César Leyton Robinson traces the genealogy of the Chilean dictatorship’s governing ideology and its application to the remaking of urban spaces. He argues, mostly convincingly, that the Pinochet regime’s approach to urban planning from 1973 to 1990 integrated three distinct but related streams of thought: hygiene or public health, geopolitics, and neoliberalism. 2e regime’s program of eradication—the forced relocation of thousands of people from informal se4lements to new housing developments in the Santiago metropolitan area—was the culmination of several decades of elite preoccupation with the growing threat of the impoverished urban masses. While this book is sure to have an in5uence on Chilean historiography of the dictatorship, it might be especially a4ractive to geographers for its rich analysis of how ideology le6 a material imprint on society and space in the neoliberal city of Santiago: Free-market fundamentalism was important, but there is more to the story. César Leyton Robinson La ciencia de la erradicación: Modernidad urbana y neoliberalismo en Santiago de Chile, 19731990 [!e Science of Eradication: Urban Modernity and Neoliberalism in Santiago, Chile, 1973–1990]. Madrid: Editorial CSIC, 2020. 270 pp. Notes, bibliography. €19.23 hardcover (ISBN 978-84-0010612-6); €4.14; eBook (ISBN 978-84-00-10613-3).
塞萨尔·莱顿·罗宾逊追溯了智利独裁统治意识形态的谱系及其在城市空间改造中的应用。他认为，皮诺切特政权从1973年到1990年的城市规划方法融合了三种不同但相关的思想：卫生或公共卫生、地缘政治和新自由主义，这一点最令人信服。2e政权的根除计划——迫使数千人从非正规社区迁移到圣地亚哥大都会区的新住房开发区——是几十年来精英阶层对贫困城市人口日益增长的威胁的关注的高潮。虽然这本书肯定会对智利独裁统治的史学产生影响，但它对地理学家来说可能特别实用，因为它对意识形态如何在新自由主义城市圣地亚哥的社会和空间上留下物质印记进行了丰富的分析：自由市场原教旨主义很重要，但故事还有更多内容。César Leyton Robinson La ciencia de La erradiación:《智利圣地亚哥的现代城市与新自由主义》，19731990年[！e《根除科学：智利圣地亚哥的城市现代性和新自由主义，1973–1990年》]。马德里：CSIC社论，2020。270页注释，参考书目。19.23欧元精装本（ISBN 978-84-0010612-6）；4.14欧元；电子书（ISBN 978-84-00-10613-3）。
{"title":"The Science of Eradication: Urban Modernity and Neoliberalism in Santiago, Chile, 1973–1990 by César Leyton Robinson (review)","authors":"Eric D. Carter","doi":"10.1353/lag.2023.a899561","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/lag.2023.a899561","url":null,"abstract":"César Leyton Robinson traces the genealogy of the Chilean dictatorship’s governing ideology and its application to the remaking of urban spaces. He argues, mostly convincingly, that the Pinochet regime’s approach to urban planning from 1973 to 1990 integrated three distinct but related streams of thought: hygiene or public health, geopolitics, and neoliberalism. 2e regime’s program of eradication—the forced relocation of thousands of people from informal se4lements to new housing developments in the Santiago metropolitan area—was the culmination of several decades of elite preoccupation with the growing threat of the impoverished urban masses. While this book is sure to have an in5uence on Chilean historiography of the dictatorship, it might be especially a4ractive to geographers for its rich analysis of how ideology le6 a material imprint on society and space in the neoliberal city of Santiago: Free-market fundamentalism was important, but there is more to the story. César Leyton Robinson La ciencia de la erradicación: Modernidad urbana y neoliberalismo en Santiago de Chile, 19731990 [!e Science of Eradication: Urban Modernity and Neoliberalism in Santiago, Chile, 1973–1990]. Madrid: Editorial CSIC, 2020. 270 pp. Notes, bibliography. €19.23 hardcover (ISBN 978-84-0010612-6); €4.14; eBook (ISBN 978-84-00-10613-3).","PeriodicalId":46531,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin American Geography","volume":"22 1","pages":"173 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44054040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/lag.2023.a899567
A. Malone
{"title":"Oaxaca in Motion: An Ethnography of Internal, Transnational, and Return Migration by Iván Sandoval-Cervantes (review)","authors":"A. Malone","doi":"10.1353/lag.2023.a899567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/lag.2023.a899567","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46531,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin American Geography","volume":"22 1","pages":"190 - 192"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42612673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/lag.2023.a899552
Alejandra Díaz de León
abstract:In this article I show the variety of perspectives that migrants in Mexico adopt toward detention, a procedure that criminalizes undocumented migration and justifies violence against migrants. Based on interviews, freedom of information requests, and case studies, I argue that migrants oscillate and sometimes stay in the middle between two contrasting positions about detention: resignation and resistance. While those in the resignation group accept the notion that they have committed a crime and deserve to be detained, those in the resistance group refuse to be regarded as criminals and question the existence of detention. I show how frequently migrant illegality is created and reinforced even among migrant populations. I also illustrate how many migrants make persuasive arguments against the violent border control policies that they experience.resumen:En este artículo discuto las perspectivas que las personas migrantes toman hacia la detención migratoria, un proceso que criminaliza la migración indocumentada y justifica la violencia contra las personas migrantes. El artículo está basado en entrevistas, solicitudes de información y estudios de caso. Sugiero que las personas migrantes oscilan (y a veces se quedan en medio) de dos perspectivas contrastantes: la resignación o la resistencia. Aquellos que se resignan, aceptan que han cometido un crimen y que merecen ser detenidos. Aquellos que se resisten niegan que hayan cometido un crimen y cuestionan porqué existe la detención. Muestro como la idea de la ilegalidad está reproducida por las mismas personas migrantes. También ilustro como las personas migrantes hacen argumentos persuasivos contra la detención.
{"title":"Resignation and Resistance: How do Undocumented Central American Migrants View Detention in Mexico? = Resignación y resistencia: ¿cómo perciben las personas migrantes centroamericanas la detención migratoria en México?","authors":"Alejandra Díaz de León","doi":"10.1353/lag.2023.a899552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/lag.2023.a899552","url":null,"abstract":"abstract:In this article I show the variety of perspectives that migrants in Mexico adopt toward detention, a procedure that criminalizes undocumented migration and justifies violence against migrants. Based on interviews, freedom of information requests, and case studies, I argue that migrants oscillate and sometimes stay in the middle between two contrasting positions about detention: resignation and resistance. While those in the resignation group accept the notion that they have committed a crime and deserve to be detained, those in the resistance group refuse to be regarded as criminals and question the existence of detention. I show how frequently migrant illegality is created and reinforced even among migrant populations. I also illustrate how many migrants make persuasive arguments against the violent border control policies that they experience.resumen:En este artículo discuto las perspectivas que las personas migrantes toman hacia la detención migratoria, un proceso que criminaliza la migración indocumentada y justifica la violencia contra las personas migrantes. El artículo está basado en entrevistas, solicitudes de información y estudios de caso. Sugiero que las personas migrantes oscilan (y a veces se quedan en medio) de dos perspectivas contrastantes: la resignación o la resistencia. Aquellos que se resignan, aceptan que han cometido un crimen y que merecen ser detenidos. Aquellos que se resisten niegan que hayan cometido un crimen y cuestionan porqué existe la detención. Muestro como la idea de la ilegalidad está reproducida por las mismas personas migrantes. También ilustro como las personas migrantes hacen argumentos persuasivos contra la detención.","PeriodicalId":46531,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin American Geography","volume":"22 1","pages":"11 - 30"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47111613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/lag.2023.a899569
K. Young
{"title":"Crossing the Current: Aftermaths of War along the Huallaga River by Richard Kernaghan (review)","authors":"K. Young","doi":"10.1353/lag.2023.a899569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/lag.2023.a899569","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46531,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin American Geography","volume":"22 1","pages":"195 - 196"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47767213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/lag.2023.a899560
Laura R. Blume
Netherworlds: !e Transformation of Mexico’s Narco Cartels offers an insightful historical overview of the transformation of Mexico’s criminal syndicates and a nuanced portrait of the country’s contemporary violence. Since the turn of the century, Mexico has undergone a democratic transformation and remained “*rmly commi+ed to pursuing neoliberal economic policies that promised to bring peace along with prosperity” (p. 24). However, far from the promised results, “at least 400,000 Mexicans have now been murdered in the *rst two decades of the twenty-first century,” with the vast majority of these victims being poor and marginalized (p. 24). /roughout the book, Creechan challenges popular perceptions about the Mexican drug trade as well as the o0cial U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA)-led narrative about the nature of Mexican cartels. Creechan begins by giving readers insight into his personal connection to the topic of drug violence in Mexico, specifically in the state of Sinaloa, “la cuna del narco.” Having lived and worked in Mexico for years, Creechan’s narrative is informed by a vast personal network of contacts and resources. /roughout the text, he draws on the work of locally respected academics and journalists, in particular the work of renowned Mexican investigative journalist Anabel Hernandez (2014, 2020). In agreement with other scholars (e.g. Trejo & Ley, 2020), the author argues that narco-tra0cking is only possible with state support. While DEA agents and Hollywood writers may focus on kingpins and portray them as criminal masterminds, Creechan counters that what really matters in the narco-world are these groups’ networks and connections to elites and politicians. Moreover, he argues that instead of cartels—a term that most scholars of narco-economies have shifted away from, but that remains commonly used in mainstream media coverage of the topic—Mexico’s narcos should be conceptualized as a covert netherworld. He uses Alfred McCoy (2016)’s definition of covert netherworlds, which consists of three critical components: “social milieu, covert operations, and illicit commerce” (p. 28). It is a relatively straightforward argument, as these groups clearly have social bases of support and an entire subculture surrounding them. /ey engage in clandestine activities, and their reason for existence is their illegal enterprise. As Creechan states:
{"title":"Drug Wars and Covert Netherworlds: The Transformation of Mexico's Narco Cartels by James H. Creechan (review)","authors":"Laura R. Blume","doi":"10.1353/lag.2023.a899560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/lag.2023.a899560","url":null,"abstract":"Netherworlds: !e Transformation of Mexico’s Narco Cartels offers an insightful historical overview of the transformation of Mexico’s criminal syndicates and a nuanced portrait of the country’s contemporary violence. Since the turn of the century, Mexico has undergone a democratic transformation and remained “*rmly commi+ed to pursuing neoliberal economic policies that promised to bring peace along with prosperity” (p. 24). However, far from the promised results, “at least 400,000 Mexicans have now been murdered in the *rst two decades of the twenty-first century,” with the vast majority of these victims being poor and marginalized (p. 24). /roughout the book, Creechan challenges popular perceptions about the Mexican drug trade as well as the o0cial U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA)-led narrative about the nature of Mexican cartels. Creechan begins by giving readers insight into his personal connection to the topic of drug violence in Mexico, specifically in the state of Sinaloa, “la cuna del narco.” Having lived and worked in Mexico for years, Creechan’s narrative is informed by a vast personal network of contacts and resources. /roughout the text, he draws on the work of locally respected academics and journalists, in particular the work of renowned Mexican investigative journalist Anabel Hernandez (2014, 2020). In agreement with other scholars (e.g. Trejo & Ley, 2020), the author argues that narco-tra0cking is only possible with state support. While DEA agents and Hollywood writers may focus on kingpins and portray them as criminal masterminds, Creechan counters that what really matters in the narco-world are these groups’ networks and connections to elites and politicians. Moreover, he argues that instead of cartels—a term that most scholars of narco-economies have shifted away from, but that remains commonly used in mainstream media coverage of the topic—Mexico’s narcos should be conceptualized as a covert netherworld. He uses Alfred McCoy (2016)’s definition of covert netherworlds, which consists of three critical components: “social milieu, covert operations, and illicit commerce” (p. 28). It is a relatively straightforward argument, as these groups clearly have social bases of support and an entire subculture surrounding them. /ey engage in clandestine activities, and their reason for existence is their illegal enterprise. As Creechan states:","PeriodicalId":46531,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin American Geography","volume":"22 1","pages":"170 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44990084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/lag.2023.a899557
Contracartografía de las movilizaciones sociales y de la violencia estatal en Perú:Una reflexión metodológica Grupo de investigación y acción territorial Contingente1 introducción En el Perú se han vivido intensas movilizaciones sociales desde que el 7 de diciembre de 2022 Dina Boluarte asumiera la presidencia de la República. Lo que empezó como una consigna ambigua, que osciló entre el pedido de liberación al expresidente Pedro Castillo, el rechazo al parlamento y a la nueva presidenta, se ha convertido, con el pasar de los días, en un movimiento social de una amplitud no vista en el Perú durante décadas. Las movilizaciones han tenido más fuerza en las regiones andinas del sur del país, donde se concentran altos niveles de pobreza.2 Sin embargo, las demandas de la población movilizada se han visto aplanadas, cuando no desacreditadas, por los medios de comunicación masivos y por la vocería oficial del Estado. Es en este contexto que emprendimos un mapeo de las movilizaciones, para buscar pistas que nos ayuden a entender las demandas ciudadanas en relación con su posición geográfica. Cuando creamos Contingente en 2020, nos propusimos acompañar a colectivos y movimientos sociales que denuncien las diferentes caras de la opresión y aboguen hacia una vida justa y digna. Quienes conformamos la colectiva, estudiamos y practicamos la geografía, y buscamos desarrollar metodologías que apunten a cambiar la forma en que se trabaja y se representa el espacio en el Perú, con el objetivo de transformarlo. Empezamos este mapeo sin mucha claridad [End Page 143] de a dónde queríamos llegar, pero nos propusimos identificar dónde se realizaban las movilizaciones y qué pedían los ciudadanos que participaban en ellas. Nuestra intuición inicial era que las diferentes voces que se escuchaban tenían mayor profundidad; es decir, reclamaban algo que trascendía a la coyuntura política actual. Con el pasar de los días, identificamos variadas formas de represión a las manifestaciones por parte de la policía nacional y, luego, por las fuerzas armadas. Por ello, en el mes de enero de 2023, iniciamos un nuevo proceso de mapeo. En este segundo momento, debido a la amplitud de las acciones de represión policial y militar a los manifestantes, decidimos centrar nuestro trabajo en lo que calificamos como mapeo de violencia del Estado. La reflexión que compartimos aquí da cuenta de los retos metodológicos que ha representado para nosotras y nosotros cartografiar esos dos momentos: las acciones de un movimiento social durante su gestación y desarrollo, entre el 7 y el 24 de diciembre del 2022,3 y el incremento de la violencia por parte del Estado, entre el 3 y el 29 de enero del 2023.4 El trabajo que hicimos se inspira en el mapeo que realizó el Colectivo de Geografía Crítica de Ecuador en conjunto con otras organizaciones de derechos humanos (Kaleidos et al., 2022) durante el Paro Nacional en aquel país, en el 2022,5 así como en la cartografía que hicieron los compañeros del Colecti
Contracartografía社会动员和秘鲁:反思国家暴力方法研究小组和领土行动Contingente1简介秘鲁已经居住密集的社会运动,自从12月7日在2022年蒂娜Boluarte共和国担任主席。一开始是一个模糊的口号，从要求释放前总统佩德罗·卡斯蒂略(Pedro Castillo)，到拒绝议会和新总统，随着时间的推移，已经发展成为一场几十年来秘鲁从未见过的社会运动。在过去的几年里，政府采取了一系列措施来改善农村贫困人口的生活条件。然而，动员民众的要求被大众媒体和国家官方声音压制了，如果不是不可信的话。正是在这种背景下，我们开始绘制动员地图，以寻找有助于我们了解公民对其地理位置的需求的途径。当我们在2020年创建特遣队时，我们承诺与集体和社会运动一起谴责压迫的不同面貌，倡导公正和有尊严的生活。我们这些组成集体的人，学习和实践地理，并寻求开发旨在改变秘鲁空间的工作和表现方式的方法，目的是改变它。我们一开始并没有很清楚我们想要去哪里，但我们开始确定动员在哪里进行，以及参与其中的公民的要求是什么。我们最初的直觉是，听到的不同声音更有深度;换句话说，他们要求的是超越当前政治形势的东西。随着时间的推移，我们发现国家警察和武装部队对示威活动进行了各种形式的镇压。因此，在2023年1月，我们开始了一个新的绘图过程。在第二阶段，由于警察和军队镇压抗议者的行动程度，我们决定将我们的工作重点放在我们所说的国家暴力地图上。我们在这里分享的反思说明了它对我们和我们绘制这两个时刻所代表的方法论挑战:妊娠期间的社会运动的行动和发展,7日至12月24日2022.3和暴力增加,3日至1月29日2023.4映射我们做的工作建立在集体开展地理批判厄瓜多尔总体上与其他人权组织(Kaleidos et al .,在2022年)全国罢工期间在那个国家里,在2022.5年，以及批判性地理集体Gladys Armijo(2019)的同事们在2019年智利社会动员期间绘制的地图。从这个意义上说，我们的工作是拉丁美洲批判性地理传统的一部分，在那里，知识的生产是以一种本地化的方式进行的，并致力于社会变革的要求。我们在此提出的传播工作希望鼓励今后具有类似意图的项目。为了分享我们的方法论反思过程，我们将JLAG的观点分为四个部分。首先，我们展示了我们如何计划信息搜索，使用的手段和我们遵循的标准。然后，我们分享了组织信息、命名事实和组织它们以在地图上直观地表示它们所涉及的挑战。第三，我们分享了空间化信息图形组织的经验，以达到传播的目的。最后，根据我们地图上的线索，我们建议……
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