Race and Social Problems最新文献

Multiracial people are often thought of as a symbol of racial progress in American society. But what is lost in this discourse are the consequences of distinct multiracial statuses for individuals who live in-between traditional racialized boundaries. In this study, we disentangle the implications of multiracial status for health by examining specific multiracial groups versus their monoracial counterparts. Using an 11-year pooled sample of the nationally representative Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance Survey (2002-2012) (N = 3,737,438), we assess several hypotheses, termed blended status, minority status, assimilation, and exceptionalism, to test the positionality of three multiracial groups (Black-White, Black-Asian, and Asian-White adults) relative to their monoracial counterparts. We derive relative risks from odds ratios in logistic regression models to compare the self-rated health and self-rated mental health of multiracial adults to monoracial adults. We find that different hypotheses fit the health risk status of different multiracial groups. The upward assimilation hypothesis applies to Asian-White adults (closer to White adults than Asian adults), the minority status hypothesis applies to Black-Asian adults (closer to Black adults than to Asian adults), and Black-White adults have profiles that differ depending on the outcome under study. For example, Black-White adults have higher relative risk of poor self-rated health than White adults (RR: 1.29), but do not differ from Black adults (RR: 1.09), providing support for the minority status hypothesis. However, Black-White adults have higher relative risk than Black adults (RR: 1.32) of poor mental health but their mental health does not differ from White adults (RR: 1.15), providing support for the upward assimilation hypothesis. The results of this study provide new insights into how specific combinations of multiracial status fit into the racialized social structure as well as the analytic benefits of disaggregating multiracial people into their component groups.

Objective: To better understand and characterize how young adults with minoritized racial and ethnic identities perceive and experience the discrimination against them. We applied an intersectional lens and examined variation in perceived discrimination by sex (across all racial/ethnic groups) and United States immigrant generation status (among Latine participants).

Methods: Data were collected from young adults (M_Age = 23.3, SD = 0.51) who self-identified as Black (N = 164), American Indian/Alaska Native (AIAN; N = 261), and/or Latine (N = 884) who were part of a longitudinal community sample originally recruited from 24 small/rural communities. Participants reported the frequency and type of discrimination they experienced in their day-to-day life. Those reporting frequent discrimination were asked to indicate the primary reason/s (e.g., race, gender). Descriptive analyses were completed separately within each racial/ethnic group and by immigrant generation status among the Latine sample. Chi-square tests assessed differences in the prevalence of discrimination experiences by sex and immigrant generation status.

Results: Two thirds or more of Black, AIAN, and Latine YA reported experiencing discrimination. Across all ethnic/racial groups, the most commonly cited reasons for discrimination were race/ethnicity, gender, and age, and more females than males reported gender and age as reasons for discrimination. More first- and second-generation than third-generation Latine young adults (YA) reported race and ancestry as reasons for discrimination.

Conclusion: Attributing discrimination to identity factors beyond race and ethnicity was common among ethnic and racial minoritized YA, underscoring the importance of considering intersectional identities when studying experiences of interpersonal discrimination.

Early and prolonged parent-child separation (EPPCS) occurs frequently among many Chinese immigrant families and may have a long-term impact on a child's well-being and parents' parenting skills and socio-emotional adaptation. However, limited research has explored the family experiences of EPPCS-affected families across historical periods. The present qualitative study aims to explore positive and negative family experiences within affected Chinese immigrant families during separation and reunification. Interviews with 24 separated-reunited children (ages 12-17) and their primary caregivers from Chinese immigrant families were analyzed using thematic analysis based on the grounded theory approach. During separation, Chinese immigrant families experienced conflicting ideas in child-rearing between parents and children's substitute caregivers, parents' concerns about the consequences of separation, and limited parent-child interaction. Following reunification, negative experiences like strained relationships within their families (e.g., parent-child and sibling relationships), cultural barriers, and family financial dilemmas were found within the family. During both separation and reunification, support from significant others (e.g., extended family members), community, as well as communication and activities within the family were provided. Results have important implications for future development and implementation of family-based interventions.

Excessive alcohol use is associated with adverse outcomes, underscoring the importance of identifying factors that may reduce alcohol use among diverse emerging adults, including ethnic-racial identity (ERI) and family factors. Limited work has examined factors that moderate the relations between ERI and alcohol use. The current study tested whether family factors (i.e., parent education and family history of alcohol problems) moderated the relations between ERI and alcohol use among 1850 diverse college students, ages 18-22 (M = 18.46, SD = .38). Findings indicated that moderation effects varied by students' ethnicity/race. At high levels of parent education, greater ERI resolution predicted less alcohol use among Asian individuals, and greater alcohol use among White individuals. Among Multiracial individuals with lower family history of alcohol problems, greater ERI exploration was related to less alcohol use. Findings highlight nuanced ways that ERI, parent education, family history of alcohol problems, and racial differences influence college students' alcohol use. Results have implications for alcohol prevention and intervention programs by highlighting that both ERI development and family influences should be discussed by therapists, program leaders, and mentors with emerging adults across racial backgrounds.

Racialized or ethnically marginalized groups typically have strong loyalties to particular political parties, but can these group loyalties be undermined? In this paper, I investigate whether racist but group-specific political discourse can alter these loyalties by activating a sense of linked fate among those who share a panethnic identity (e.g., as Asian). Using Canadian Election Study data in a quasi-experimental research design, I explore the impact of the highly visible, anti-Asian racism during the COVID-19 pandemic and whether this led to changes in political party support among different Asian ethnic groups, relative to the control, in Canada. I find that Conservative Party support declined more steeply for Chinese respondents than for any other Asian communities after the pandemic, despite Chinese being most likely to vote Conservative pre-pandemic. Therefore, I argue that periods of widespread discrimination can lead people to reject parties that are exclusionary against their group. However, despite their shared vulnerability to discrimination, this rejection of the Conservative party did not occur among all those who are racialized within Asian panethnic identity. Hence, racially hostile but group-specific language can potentially undermine a sense of linked fate and collective political action as a result.

Supplementary information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12552-025-09480-y.

While scholars have documented the importance of race for decisions on lending risk and value in the U.S. housing market, less is known about how crime shaped lending risk assessments or how a neighborhood's racial composition influenced appraisers' perceptions of crime and disorder. Drawing on the Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) residential security maps, this study examines appraisers' narratives around neighborhood crime and disorder, how observed neighborhood conditions shaped these narratives, and how both observed crime and perceptions of disorder influenced decisions on lending risk. Using the case of Chicago, this study integrates multiple historical datasets, including the HOLC residential security maps and their corresponding neighborhood area descriptions, the 1940 Census, and data on criminal activity reflected through Clifford Shaw et al.'s residence of male offenders map and Frederic Thrasher's gangland activity map. Findings suggest that perceptions of crime and disorder are largely driven by a neighborhood's Black racial composition, independent of observed measures of crime. While both observed crime and a neighborhood's Black racial composition predicted lending risk assessments, appraisers' perceptions of disorder did not. The results indicate that although HOLC appraisers' perceptions of crime and disorder were racially motivated, their biased perceptions did not exert a unique, independent influence on their decisions to redline Black neighborhoods. Rather, racial discrimination was already explicitly embedded into their neighborhood valuation practices. This study provides new insights into the historical roots of neighborhood stigmatization and institutional disinvestment.

Supplementary information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12552-025-09442-4.

Social scientists frequently rely on a single item to assess a participant's race, but this common practice can be misleading by obscuring the number of Multiracial participants in one’s sample. The current study reports descriptive statistics data from a multi-site sample of 688 diverse Multiracial college students (M_age = 21, range = 18–57, 73.1% female) to illustrate how different ways of collecting demographic information on race can shape researchers’ understanding and classification of Multiracial participants in their samples. Overall, 41.7% of participants in our sample would be classified differently (monoracial vs. Biracial vs. Multiracial) using participant-reported race compared to the race(s) of participants’ biological parents. We also find the proportion of Multiracial individuals that would be identified differently (e.g., put into a monoracial category vs. classified as Multiracial) differs based on various facets of Multiracial identity and several sociodemographic factors. Using self-reported versus parental race has substantial implications for how researchers classify and identify Multiracial participants in their samples.

For decades, policing has been the primary response to intimate partner violence (IPV) in the U.S. despite mixed evidence of its effectiveness and potential harmful consequences of policing for survivors and their families. This is the first study to examine the relationship between IPV policing (i.e., percentage of police-reported IPV incidents resulting in arrest) and family surveillance (i.e., child maltreatment report rates) at the county level. We hypothesized that family surveillance would be a harmful and racialized consequence of IPV policing because of direct coordination between police and family surveillance systems and the increased risk of child welfare intervention associated with parental arrest. Utilizing National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System and FBI National Incident-Based Reporting System data from 160 large U.S. counties (2000–2019), we used Poisson regression and modeled between- and within-county effects with overall and race-specific outcome data. We also conducted an interaction analysis by the percentage of Black residents in the county to assess differences by racialized groups and within different racialized contexts because policing and family surveillance systems disproportionately impact Black families. We found no overall association between the percentage of police-reported IPV incidents that resulted in arrest and child maltreatment report rate at the county level (RR = 1.004, 95% CI: 0.965, 1.044). However, the percentage of police-reported IPV incidents that resulted in arrest was positively associated with the Black child maltreatment report rate in large counties with a below-average percentage of Black residents (RR = 1.013, 95% CI: 1.006, 1.021). This study provides initial evidence that family surveillance is a harmful consequence of IPV policing specifically for Black families living in predominantly white counties. Findings should be considered when evaluating the U.S.’s heavy reliance on policing to respond to IPV.

While ample research highlights how regular religious service attendance can promote a variety of positive mental health outcomes, some evidence suggests that the benefits of congregational involvement might vary by race. We examine whether race/ethnicity moderates the relationship between frequency of religious service attendance and depression for low-income mothers, a group with high rates of chronic depression and comparatively little access to care. To do so, we draw on a sample of 2636 White, Black, and Hispanic mothers from the Future of Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFCWS). We find that more frequent service attendance helps reduce odds of depression among White mothers in ways that it does not among Black mothers. We argue that these findings highlight how religious organizations in the US are both unequal and racially segregated, such that White mothers are better able to cultivate supportive social networks in ways that help mitigate depression through their attendance at religious services.

Entrepreneurship is touted as a pathway to achieve economic mobility and this is particularly true among immigrants and Black Americans. There is little research on whether the rise in Black entrepreneuership is linked to the declining rates of violernce in urban areas, net of effects associated with the concentration of disadvantage. After generating two distinct measures of Black entrepreneurship using national-level business ownership data, we test to see if Black-owned businesses were significantly related to the documented decline in juvenile violence in larger US cities from 1990 to 2010. Our findings show an inverse relationship between Black entrepreneurship and youth violence across multiple cities in 1990 and 2000, while the rate of paid employees in Black firms contributed to a reduction of Black youth violence in 2010. Furthermore, our fixed-effect design confirms the growing presence of Black businesses is a significant contributor to the reduction in Black urban violence. In changing economic times, we discuss the theoretical and empirical importance of Black entrepreneurship as a way out of poverty and crime in urban areas.