Race and Social Problems最新文献

Social scientists frequently rely on a single item to assess a participant's race, but this common practice can be misleading by obscuring the number of Multiracial participants in one’s sample. The current study reports descriptive statistics data from a multi-site sample of 688 diverse Multiracial college students (M_age = 21, range = 18–57, 73.1% female) to illustrate how different ways of collecting demographic information on race can shape researchers’ understanding and classification of Multiracial participants in their samples. Overall, 41.7% of participants in our sample would be classified differently (monoracial vs. Biracial vs. Multiracial) using participant-reported race compared to the race(s) of participants’ biological parents. We also find the proportion of Multiracial individuals that would be identified differently (e.g., put into a monoracial category vs. classified as Multiracial) differs based on various facets of Multiracial identity and several sociodemographic factors. Using self-reported versus parental race has substantial implications for how researchers classify and identify Multiracial participants in their samples.

For decades, policing has been the primary response to intimate partner violence (IPV) in the U.S. despite mixed evidence of its effectiveness and potential harmful consequences of policing for survivors and their families. This is the first study to examine the relationship between IPV policing (i.e., percentage of police-reported IPV incidents resulting in arrest) and family surveillance (i.e., child maltreatment report rates) at the county level. We hypothesized that family surveillance would be a harmful and racialized consequence of IPV policing because of direct coordination between police and family surveillance systems and the increased risk of child welfare intervention associated with parental arrest. Utilizing National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System and FBI National Incident-Based Reporting System data from 160 large U.S. counties (2000–2019), we used Poisson regression and modeled between- and within-county effects with overall and race-specific outcome data. We also conducted an interaction analysis by the percentage of Black residents in the county to assess differences by racialized groups and within different racialized contexts because policing and family surveillance systems disproportionately impact Black families. We found no overall association between the percentage of police-reported IPV incidents that resulted in arrest and child maltreatment report rate at the county level (RR = 1.004, 95% CI: 0.965, 1.044). However, the percentage of police-reported IPV incidents that resulted in arrest was positively associated with the Black child maltreatment report rate in large counties with a below-average percentage of Black residents (RR = 1.013, 95% CI: 1.006, 1.021). This study provides initial evidence that family surveillance is a harmful consequence of IPV policing specifically for Black families living in predominantly white counties. Findings should be considered when evaluating the U.S.’s heavy reliance on policing to respond to IPV.

While ample research highlights how regular religious service attendance can promote a variety of positive mental health outcomes, some evidence suggests that the benefits of congregational involvement might vary by race. We examine whether race/ethnicity moderates the relationship between frequency of religious service attendance and depression for low-income mothers, a group with high rates of chronic depression and comparatively little access to care. To do so, we draw on a sample of 2636 White, Black, and Hispanic mothers from the Future of Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFCWS). We find that more frequent service attendance helps reduce odds of depression among White mothers in ways that it does not among Black mothers. We argue that these findings highlight how religious organizations in the US are both unequal and racially segregated, such that White mothers are better able to cultivate supportive social networks in ways that help mitigate depression through their attendance at religious services.

Entrepreneurship is touted as a pathway to achieve economic mobility and this is particularly true among immigrants and Black Americans. There is little research on whether the rise in Black entrepreneuership is linked to the declining rates of violernce in urban areas, net of effects associated with the concentration of disadvantage. After generating two distinct measures of Black entrepreneurship using national-level business ownership data, we test to see if Black-owned businesses were significantly related to the documented decline in juvenile violence in larger US cities from 1990 to 2010. Our findings show an inverse relationship between Black entrepreneurship and youth violence across multiple cities in 1990 and 2000, while the rate of paid employees in Black firms contributed to a reduction of Black youth violence in 2010. Furthermore, our fixed-effect design confirms the growing presence of Black businesses is a significant contributor to the reduction in Black urban violence. In changing economic times, we discuss the theoretical and empirical importance of Black entrepreneurship as a way out of poverty and crime in urban areas.

Understanding the factors that promote civic engagement among emerging adult college students is crucial, especially considering its association with positive youth development. The current study examined ethnic-racial identity (ERI) exploration, resolution, and affirmation as mediators of the relation between cultural socialization and civic engagement. Additionally, the extent to which students were raised in predominantly minoritized neighborhoods (i.e., predominantly minoritized neighborhood racial composition; PMNRC) was included as a moderator of the associations between cultural socialization and ERI components. Last, we tested whether findings varied based on students’ ethnic-racial backgrounds (i.e., differences in the model for Asian, African American, Latinx, and Multiracial students of color; N = 1036). Results indicated that there was a significant mediation path, such that cultural socialization predicted greater ERI exploration and, in turn, greater civic engagement. Cultural socialization was also positively associated with greater ERI resolution and affirmation. The racial composition of the neighborhoods that individuals were raised in was not significantly associated with any ERI component; however, PMNRC moderated the relation between cultural socialization and ERI affirmation. Specifically, cultural socialization predicted more ERI affirmation at higher levels of PMNRC, but this relation was not significant at low levels of PMNRC. There were no significant ethnic-racial differences in relations we tested in the model. These findings highlight the importance of cultural processes in civic engagement among diverse emerging adults.

The lasting health and social effects of the US federal housing policies that created racial residential segregation have been substantial. We aim to evaluate the association between three dimensions of residential segregation (i.e., evenness, exposure, and concentration) and the Framingham 30-year cardiovascular (CVD) risk score. Using the Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, we examined the extent to which three features of Wave I residential segregation were associated with Wave IV Framingham 30-year CVD risk score using separate General Estimating Equation models that accounted for the complex clustered study design. We also examined differences in the associations by race (i.e., non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic White). For each exposure, we ran unadjusted covariate adjusted, and a covariate adjusted model containing an interaction between race and the segregation measure. We observed that none of the residential segregation measures were associated with 30-year CVD risk. However, we observed a statistically significant interaction between race and the Black vs. White Index of Concentration of Extremes, whereby segregation was associated with an 8% higher CVD risk among Black participants and a 3% lower CVD risk among White participants. This research suggests that Black young adults residing in communities that have a higher concentration of White residents is harmful to their cardiovascular health, while it is beneficial for White residents. These findings are consistent with the existing literature on harmful effects of structural racism on CVD outcomes and specific CVD risk factors.

Mass shootings are most frequently committed by white men. Yet, these white perpetrators often do not meet the same fatal fate as Black people who have committed lesser crimes, particularly in the United States. Furthermore, Black people with mental health issues in such situations are more commonly met with lethal force. This study investigates if disparities exist in the likelihood of being apprehended, taking one’s own life, or being killed by police or others during a public mass shooting incident based on one’s race and known mental health status. Using the Violence Project data, this study aids understanding of the causes and consequences of mass violence.

Racial disparities in access to educational opportunity have been an enduring issue in the United States. In recent decades, neighborhood and school racial segregation have remained robust, while economic segregation has increased, reinforcing disparate access to educational opportunities and quality schooling. Using a nationally representative sample of White (52.2%), Black (13.3%), Latinx (25.0%), and Asian (4.1%) children entering kindergarten in 2010 (drawn from the ECLS-K 2011, N≈17,100) merged with national administrative data, we provide a rich descriptive portrait of racial, socioeconomic, and intersectional disparities in young children’s access to neighborhood educational opportunity, considering three measures of educational opportunity focused on key developmental stages. Unadjusted differences evidenced moderate to large racial and socioeconomic disparities in access to educational opportunity assessed through neighborhood-level early childhood education enrollment, primary school achievement, and secondary school attainment, with Asian and White children having greater access to neighborhood educational opportunity than their Black and Latinx peers. These patterns were largely replicated adjusting for child, family, and contextual covariates. Results further indicated that returns to family socioeconomic status were strongest among Asian and Latinx children versus their White and Black peers. The greater socioeconomic inequality in neighborhood educational opportunity among Asian and Latinx children may reflect the heightened heterogeneity in nationality, generational status, ethnicity, and culture among these diverse pan-ethnic groups. Results indicating that SES payoffs in neighborhood educational opportunity are not shared across all racial groups highlight the need for continuing efforts to increase equitable opportunities for all children.

Two studies examine whether target or participant race affect perceptions of emotional pain of perpetrators and victims of fatal police shootings, their associated networks (family, community), and how these perceptions influence incident-related outcomes. Study 1 utilized an experimental vignette about a police shooting of an unarmed Black or White teenager and tested perceived emotional pain and needs for the victim’s mother, family, and community. Results found perceptions of emotional pain and support needs were greater for Black compared to White mothers, families, and communities. However, participants were not more likely to want to provide support to Black mothers or families. Using data from the affected community after a real-world fatal police shooting, Study 2 provides complementary analyses of perceived emotional outcomes for the police officers and Black victim, and each of their networks. In Study 2, White participants, compared to racial minorities, thought police officer perpetrators and their families had more emotional pain and support needs after a fatal police shooting. While the pain of Black social networks was generally recognized, Social Dominance Orientation closed the gap between perceptions of emotional pain for the officers in relation to that of the victim’s network, which then predicted greater support for police behavior and less desire for officer accountability. These studies suggest that the public may recognize the differentially traumatic affect that police violence has on Black victims’ social networks, but whose pain is relatively focused on (victim vs. officer) affects perceptions of fatal police shootings and whether police accountability is desired.