Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000245
H. Kennard
This paper investigates stress patterns in Breton across speakers of different ages and with different linguistic backgrounds. Centuries of contact with French have led to French influence in Breton lexis, phonology and morphosyntax, and Breton's current status as an endangered minority language makes it vulnerable to further change. Additionally, younger ‘new speakers’ of Breton, who have acquired the language through Breton-medium education, are said to transfer features from French into their Breton. Analysis of stress usage shows that older, traditional speakers use stress largely as expected, while there is a greater degree of interspeaker variation among younger, new speakers. These data are used to form a metrical analysis of stress in Breton, taking into account lexical exceptions, loanwords and the variability of younger speakers. Rather than widespread transfer of French stress patterns into Breton, some younger speakers seem to be using two competing stress systems.
{"title":"Variation in Breton word stress: new speakers and the influence of French","authors":"H. Kennard","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000245","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates stress patterns in Breton across speakers of different ages and with different linguistic backgrounds. Centuries of contact with French have led to French influence in Breton lexis, phonology and morphosyntax, and Breton's current status as an endangered minority language makes it vulnerable to further change. Additionally, younger ‘new speakers’ of Breton, who have acquired the language through Breton-medium education, are said to transfer features from French into their Breton. Analysis of stress usage shows that older, traditional speakers use stress largely as expected, while there is a greater degree of interspeaker variation among younger, new speakers. These data are used to form a metrical analysis of stress in Breton, taking into account lexical exceptions, loanwords and the variability of younger speakers. Rather than widespread transfer of French stress patterns into Breton, some younger speakers seem to be using two competing stress systems.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"363 - 399"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47119337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000282
Jeremy Steffman
The Oxford handbook of language prosody, edited by Carlos Gussenhoven and Aoju Chen, is a collection comprised of 49 chapters divided into eight parts, with contributions from 121 researchers and nearly 700 pages of content. As these numbers might suggest, this volume is expansive. In introducing the handbook, the editors note that volumes focusing on one aspect of prosody (e.g. intonational phonology) are more common than those that cover the field as a whole. Unlike a volume which offers an introduction to a particular domain of prosody research or a particular model, this handbook reads as a catalogue of the current state of knowledge in the field, as described by leading prosody researchers. As such, theoretical or methodological cohesion is not a goal, though many chapters share a theoretical and methodological approach, described below. As an overview of the field, the handbook is certainly a success. It offers, among other things, a well thought-out and wide-ranging compilation of prosody research, which spans topics such as the role of prosody in first language acquisition, second language instruction and automated speech processing. The eight parts of the handbook vary in size. The largest, ‘Prosody across the world’, contains 18 chapters surveying prosodic typology; the smallest, ‘Fundamentals of language prosody’, contains just two chapters. Chapters within a section can also be only very broadly related, for example the ‘Prosody and language processing’ section contains three contributions on very different topics: ‘Cortical and subcortical processing of linguistic pitch patterns’ (Joseph C. Y. Lau, Zilong Xie, Bharath Chandrasekaran & Patrick C. M. Wong), ‘Prosody and spoken-word recognition’ (James M. McQueen & Laura Dilley) and ‘The role of phrase-level prosody in speech production planning’ (Stefanie ShattuckHufnagel). The focus of the volume, if any, comes across as typology (‘Prosody across the world’ is by far the largest part), though given the overview-oriented structure, the reader does not get the sense that there is an intended focus on one particular aspect of prosody research. The production quality of the handbook is good overall. Typographical errors, though present, are few and far between. Figures and visualisations are also generally well-placed, though they vary widely in their detail and quality, even sometimes within a chapter. However, given the number of contributors, this might be expected, and does not seriously detract from the content. One clear strength in
{"title":"Carlos Gussenhoven and Aoju Chen (eds.) (2020). The Oxford handbook of language prosody. (Oxford Handbooks in Linguistics.) Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp. lvi + 891.","authors":"Jeremy Steffman","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000282","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000282","url":null,"abstract":"The Oxford handbook of language prosody, edited by Carlos Gussenhoven and Aoju Chen, is a collection comprised of 49 chapters divided into eight parts, with contributions from 121 researchers and nearly 700 pages of content. As these numbers might suggest, this volume is expansive. In introducing the handbook, the editors note that volumes focusing on one aspect of prosody (e.g. intonational phonology) are more common than those that cover the field as a whole. Unlike a volume which offers an introduction to a particular domain of prosody research or a particular model, this handbook reads as a catalogue of the current state of knowledge in the field, as described by leading prosody researchers. As such, theoretical or methodological cohesion is not a goal, though many chapters share a theoretical and methodological approach, described below. As an overview of the field, the handbook is certainly a success. It offers, among other things, a well thought-out and wide-ranging compilation of prosody research, which spans topics such as the role of prosody in first language acquisition, second language instruction and automated speech processing. The eight parts of the handbook vary in size. The largest, ‘Prosody across the world’, contains 18 chapters surveying prosodic typology; the smallest, ‘Fundamentals of language prosody’, contains just two chapters. Chapters within a section can also be only very broadly related, for example the ‘Prosody and language processing’ section contains three contributions on very different topics: ‘Cortical and subcortical processing of linguistic pitch patterns’ (Joseph C. Y. Lau, Zilong Xie, Bharath Chandrasekaran & Patrick C. M. Wong), ‘Prosody and spoken-word recognition’ (James M. McQueen & Laura Dilley) and ‘The role of phrase-level prosody in speech production planning’ (Stefanie ShattuckHufnagel). The focus of the volume, if any, comes across as typology (‘Prosody across the world’ is by far the largest part), though given the overview-oriented structure, the reader does not get the sense that there is an intended focus on one particular aspect of prosody research. The production quality of the handbook is good overall. Typographical errors, though present, are few and far between. Figures and visualisations are also generally well-placed, though they vary widely in their detail and quality, even sometimes within a chapter. However, given the number of contributors, this might be expected, and does not seriously detract from the content. One clear strength in","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"527 - 533"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45976222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000257
Andrei Munteanu
It has long been observed that languages tend to preserve contrast, either by introducing sound changes or by inhibiting them. However, it is not clear if any instances of so-called homophony avoidance reported to date constitute an active synchronic restriction in the grammar. This paper presents an instance of homophony avoidance in Russian masculine nouns. A perception experiment shows that the trends observed in the corpus are only partially extended to nonce words. I argue that the asymmetry observed in the experimental results can only be attributed to a synchronic restriction against homophonous forms in the same paradigm. Thus this paper presents strong evidence in favour of a synchronic anti-homophony constraint.
{"title":"Homophony avoidance in the grammar: Russian nominal allomorphy","authors":"Andrei Munteanu","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000257","url":null,"abstract":"It has long been observed that languages tend to preserve contrast, either by introducing sound changes or by inhibiting them. However, it is not clear if any instances of so-called homophony avoidance reported to date constitute an active synchronic restriction in the grammar. This paper presents an instance of homophony avoidance in Russian masculine nouns. A perception experiment shows that the trends observed in the corpus are only partially extended to nonce words. I argue that the asymmetry observed in the experimental results can only be attributed to a synchronic restriction against homophonous forms in the same paradigm. Thus this paper presents strong evidence in favour of a synchronic anti-homophony constraint.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"401 - 435"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41504667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000269
Jason A. Shaw, Sejin Oh, Karthik Durvasula, Alexei Kochetov
Phonological patterning motivates a distinction between complex segments and segment sequences, although it has also been suggested that there might be reliable phonetic differences. We develop the hypothesis that, in addition to their distinct phonological patterning, complex segments differ from segment sequences in how constituent articulatory gestures are coordinated in time. Through computational simulation, we illustrate predictions that follow from hypothesised coordination differences, showing as well how coordination is conceptually independent of temporal duration. We test predictions with kinematic data collected using electromagnetic articulography. Electromagnetic articulography data comparing labial-palatal gestures in Russian, which we argue on the basis of phonological facts to constitute complex segments, and similar labial-palatal gestures in English, which we argue constitute segment sequences, show distinct patterns of coordination, providing robust support for our main hypothesis. At least in this case, gestural coordination conditions patterns of kinematic variation that clearly distinguish complex segments from segment sequences.
{"title":"Articulatory coordination distinguishes complex segments from segment sequences","authors":"Jason A. Shaw, Sejin Oh, Karthik Durvasula, Alexei Kochetov","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000269","url":null,"abstract":"Phonological patterning motivates a distinction between complex segments and segment sequences, although it has also been suggested that there might be reliable phonetic differences. We develop the hypothesis that, in addition to their distinct phonological patterning, complex segments differ from segment sequences in how constituent articulatory gestures are coordinated in time. Through computational simulation, we illustrate predictions that follow from hypothesised coordination differences, showing as well how coordination is conceptually independent of temporal duration. We test predictions with kinematic data collected using electromagnetic articulography. Electromagnetic articulography data comparing labial-palatal gestures in Russian, which we argue on the basis of phonological facts to constitute complex segments, and similar labial-palatal gestures in English, which we argue constitute segment sequences, show distinct patterns of coordination, providing robust support for our main hypothesis. At least in this case, gestural coordination conditions patterns of kinematic variation that clearly distinguish complex segments from segment sequences.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"437 - 477"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44595032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000270
T. Vance, S. Kawahara, Mizuki Miyashita
Modern Japanese has a set of morphophonemic alternations known collectively as rendaku that involve initial consonants in second elements of compounds, as in /jama+dera/ ‘mountain temple’ (cf. /tera/ ‘temple’). An alternating element like /tera/ ~ /dera/ has an initial voiced obstruent in its rendaku allomorph and an initial voiceless obstruent in its non-rendaku allomorph. Lyman's Law blocks rendaku in a second element containing a medial voiced obstruent. This paper gives three arguments that Lyman's Law originated as a constraint prohibiting prenasalisation in consecutive syllables. First, constraints on similar consonants in close proximity generally apply not to voicing but to features with phonetic cues that are more spread out, such as prenasalisation. Second, in some Japanese dialects with prenasalised voiced obstruents, rendaku cannot occur if it would result in adjacent syllables containing these marked consonants. Third, phonographically attested Old Japanese compounds are consistent with a constraint on adjacent syllables.
{"title":"The diachronic origins of Lyman's Law: evidence from phonetics, dialectology and philology","authors":"T. Vance, S. Kawahara, Mizuki Miyashita","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000270","url":null,"abstract":"Modern Japanese has a set of morphophonemic alternations known collectively as rendaku that involve initial consonants in second elements of compounds, as in /jama+dera/ ‘mountain temple’ (cf. /tera/ ‘temple’). An alternating element like /tera/ ~ /dera/ has an initial voiced obstruent in its rendaku allomorph and an initial voiceless obstruent in its non-rendaku allomorph. Lyman's Law blocks rendaku in a second element containing a medial voiced obstruent. This paper gives three arguments that Lyman's Law originated as a constraint prohibiting prenasalisation in consecutive syllables. First, constraints on similar consonants in close proximity generally apply not to voicing but to features with phonetic cues that are more spread out, such as prenasalisation. Second, in some Japanese dialects with prenasalised voiced obstruents, rendaku cannot occur if it would result in adjacent syllables containing these marked consonants. Third, phonographically attested Old Japanese compounds are consistent with a constraint on adjacent syllables.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"479 - 511"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49175999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000233
Darya Kavitskaya
In Phonetic causes of sound change: the palatalization and assibilation of obstruents, Daniel Recasens investigates the phonetic motivation for the ‘softening’ of velar and labial stops to (alveolo-)palatal affricates or fricatives (traditionally called ‘palatalisation’), arguing for the articulation-based nature of this sound change and for the necessity of an intermediate stage of an (alveolo-)palatal stop. The book is interesting, timely and necessary. The topic of the phonetic causes of sound change has been discussed for a long time, but it is far from being resolved. Palatalisation provides an excellent test case for the phonetic scenarios that drive the change, since it is cross-linguistically common and has a wide range of triggers and targets. In fact, it ranges so widely that there is plenty of literature covering different aspects of palatalisation in different language families. As to the bigger picture, there are several typological surveys of palatalisation patterns in the languages of the world, but not necessarily from the point of view of sound change, and definitely not exhaustive. As a typological study, the book is quite remarkable, as it covers a wide range of processes, concentrating mostly on Romance languages. Even though a wide range of typological data is covered in the book, the subtitle The palatalization and assibilation of obstruents appears to be somewhat misleading, since the book discusses only velars and labials. There is a good explanation for this choice (there is a vast amount of literature on the palatalisation of coronals), but one cannot help but dream about seeing a discussion in a single volume of all the places of articulation affected by palatalisation. Also, although it is very difficult to cite all the relevant literature in such an ambitious project, one important missing reference on the typology of the relevant sound changes is Kümmel (2007). The book emphasises the importance of distinguishing one-stage vs. multiplestage sound changes, and thus the multiple possible pathways of diachronic development. As Recasens puts it, the book ‘is especially interested in ascertaining the intermediate stages which may occur during these sound changes and also to make sense of the articulatory and perceptual factors which render them possible’ (p. 4). Another important aim of the book is to put forward an articulatory account of change which addresses both articulatory and acoustic data, as well as offering both articulatorily and acoustically based explanations.
Daniel Recasens在《声音变化的语音原因：障碍词的腭化和分类》一书中研究了将舌膜和唇塞音“软化”为（肺泡-）腭塞擦音或擦音（传统上称为“腭化”）的语音动机，主张这种声音变化基于发音的性质，以及（肺泡）腭音停止的中间阶段的必要性。这本书有趣、及时、必要。语音变化的语音原因这个话题已经讨论了很长时间，但还远没有解决。Palalisation为推动变化的语音场景提供了一个极好的测试案例，因为它在跨语言方面很常见，并且有广泛的触发因素和目标。事实上，它的范围如此之广，以至于有大量的文献涵盖了不同语系中腭化的不同方面。从更大的角度来看，有几项关于世界语言中腭化模式的类型学调查，但不一定是从声音变化的角度来看的，也绝对不是详尽无遗的。作为一项类型学研究，这本书非常引人注目，因为它涵盖了广泛的过程，主要集中在浪漫主义语言上。尽管这本书涵盖了广泛的类型学数据，但副标题“障碍物的腭化和分类”似乎有些误导，因为这本书只讨论了腭和唇。对于这种选择有一个很好的解释（有大量关于冠音腭化的文献），但人们不禁会梦想在一本书中看到对受腭化影响的所有发音部位的讨论。此外，尽管在这样一个雄心勃勃的项目中很难引用所有相关文献，但关于相关声音变化的类型学，一个重要的缺失参考文献是Kümmel（2007）。这本书强调了区分一个阶段和多个阶段声音变化的重要性，从而强调了历时发展的多种可能途径。正如Recasens所说，这本书“特别感兴趣的是确定这些声音变化过程中可能发生的中间阶段，以及理解使其成为可能的发音和感知因素”（第4页）。这本书的另一个重要目的是提出一个关于变化的发音描述，该描述涉及发音和声学数据，并提供基于发音和声学的解释。
{"title":"In Phonetic causes of sound change: the palatalization and assibilation of obstruents,","authors":"Darya Kavitskaya","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000233","url":null,"abstract":"In Phonetic causes of sound change: the palatalization and assibilation of obstruents, Daniel Recasens investigates the phonetic motivation for the ‘softening’ of velar and labial stops to (alveolo-)palatal affricates or fricatives (traditionally called ‘palatalisation’), arguing for the articulation-based nature of this sound change and for the necessity of an intermediate stage of an (alveolo-)palatal stop. The book is interesting, timely and necessary. The topic of the phonetic causes of sound change has been discussed for a long time, but it is far from being resolved. Palatalisation provides an excellent test case for the phonetic scenarios that drive the change, since it is cross-linguistically common and has a wide range of triggers and targets. In fact, it ranges so widely that there is plenty of literature covering different aspects of palatalisation in different language families. As to the bigger picture, there are several typological surveys of palatalisation patterns in the languages of the world, but not necessarily from the point of view of sound change, and definitely not exhaustive. As a typological study, the book is quite remarkable, as it covers a wide range of processes, concentrating mostly on Romance languages. Even though a wide range of typological data is covered in the book, the subtitle The palatalization and assibilation of obstruents appears to be somewhat misleading, since the book discusses only velars and labials. There is a good explanation for this choice (there is a vast amount of literature on the palatalisation of coronals), but one cannot help but dream about seeing a discussion in a single volume of all the places of articulation affected by palatalisation. Also, although it is very difficult to cite all the relevant literature in such an ambitious project, one important missing reference on the typology of the relevant sound changes is Kümmel (2007). The book emphasises the importance of distinguishing one-stage vs. multiplestage sound changes, and thus the multiple possible pathways of diachronic development. As Recasens puts it, the book ‘is especially interested in ascertaining the intermediate stages which may occur during these sound changes and also to make sense of the articulatory and perceptual factors which render them possible’ (p. 4). Another important aim of the book is to put forward an articulatory account of change which addresses both articulatory and acoustic data, as well as offering both articulatorily and acoustically based explanations.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"521 - 526"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42866205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000191
S. V. Ommen
{"title":"Shlomo Izre'el, Heliana Mello, Alessandro Panunzi and Tommaso Raso (eds.) (2020). In search of basic units of spoken language: a corpus-driven approach. (Studies in Corpus Linguistics 94.) Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Pp. xi + 440.","authors":"S. V. Ommen","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000191","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"357-362"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48504144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000154
Eleanor Glewwe
This paper presents the results of a corpus study and an online loanword adaptation experiment examining the tonal adaptation of English loanwords in Mandarin. Using maximum entropy models, I control for the substantial influences of lexical tone distributions and standardisation, and uncover phonological determinants of tone beyond these lexical and conventional factors. The most important phonological determinant of tone in the corpus was English voicing, while in the experiment it was English stress-aligned pitch contours. I argue that these distinct tonal adaptation patterns constitute two different perceptual mappings, one from F0 perturbations to tone and the other from English intonation to tone, both arising due to particular borrowing contexts. I suggest that increasingly close contact between English and Mandarin may lead to more intonation-driven tonal adaptation in the latest wave of borrowing. The maximum entropy approach holds promise for the analysis of complex cases of tonal adaptation in other languages.
{"title":"The phonological determinants of tone in English loanwords in Mandarin","authors":"Eleanor Glewwe","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000154","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents the results of a corpus study and an online loanword adaptation experiment examining the tonal adaptation of English loanwords in Mandarin. Using maximum entropy models, I control for the substantial influences of lexical tone distributions and standardisation, and uncover phonological determinants of tone beyond these lexical and conventional factors. The most important phonological determinant of tone in the corpus was English voicing, while in the experiment it was English stress-aligned pitch contours. I argue that these distinct tonal adaptation patterns constitute two different perceptual mappings, one from F0 perturbations to tone and the other from English intonation to tone, both arising due to particular borrowing contexts. I suggest that increasingly close contact between English and Mandarin may lead to more intonation-driven tonal adaptation in the latest wave of borrowing. The maximum entropy approach holds promise for the analysis of complex cases of tonal adaptation in other languages.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"203 - 239"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45988415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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