Phonology最新文献

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Korean vowel harmony has weak phonotactic support and has limited productivity 韩国语元音和谐的语音战术支持薄弱，生产率有限

IF 1.3 2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Phonology

Pub Date : 2024-09-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675724000071

Jinyoung Jo

Chong (2017) claims that a derived environment process is productive to the extent that it is supported by phonotactics. The present study tests this claim by comparing variable patterns observed in Korean vowel harmony of suffix alternation with vowel co-occurrence restrictions in the lexicon. A corpus study replicated findings of previous studies that the harmony in suffix alternation is losing productivity, conditioned by the quality of the stem vowel, the number of intervening consonants between the vowels and the stem class. Phonotactic generalisations in vowel sequences matched such tendencies in the alternation in that harmony was feeble in phonotactics and that some of the factors that modulate the harmony in alternation were found to affect the harmony in phonotactics as well. The findings generally support Chong’s claim that lack of phonotactic support for an alternation makes it harder to learn.

Chong（2017）认为，派生环境过程只要得到语音事实的支持，就是富有成效的。本研究通过比较后缀交替的韩语元音和谐中观察到的可变模式与词典中的元音共现限制来验证这一观点。一项语料库研究重复了以前的研究结果，即后缀交替中的和谐是失去生产力的，受到词干元音质量、元音之间的辅音数量和词干类别的制约。元音序列中的语音战术概括与交替中的这种趋势相吻合，即语音战术中的和谐是微弱的，而且发现在交替中调节和谐的一些因素也会影响语音战术中的和谐。研究结果总体上支持 Chong 的观点，即缺乏语音战术支持的交替音更难学习。

引用次数: 0

A unified model of lenition as modulation reduction: gauging consonant strength in Ibibio 作为调制减弱的连音统一模型：衡量伊比维语中的辅音强度

IF 1.3 2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Phonology

Pub Date : 2024-09-19 DOI: 10.1017/s095267572400006x

John Harris, Eno-Abasi Urua, Kevin Tang

We review and elaborate an account of consonantal strength that is founded on the model of speech as a modulated carrier signal. The stronger the consonant, the greater the modulation. Unlike approaches based on sonority or articulatory aperture, the account offers a uniform definition of the phonetic effect lenition has on consonants: All types of lenition (such as debuccalisation, spirantisation and vocalisation) reduce the extent to which a consonant modulates the carrier. To demonstrate the quantifiability of this account, we present an analysis of Ibibio, in which we investigate the effects of lenition on the amplitude, periodicity and temporal properties of consonants. We propose a method for integrating these different acoustic dimensions within an overall measure of modulation size. Not only does the modulated-carrier account cover all the classically recognised lenition types, but it also encompasses loss of plosive release in final stops – which, although not traditionally classed as lenition, is clearly related to processes that are.

我们回顾并阐述了基于语音作为调制载波信号模型的辅音强度理论。辅音越强，调制越大。与以声调或发音孔径为基础的方法不同，该方法对连读对辅音的语音影响做出了统一的定义：所有类型的连读（如去声化、螺旋化和发声）都会降低辅音对载体的调制程度。为了证明这一观点的可量化性，我们对伊比利亚语进行了分析，研究了宽化对辅音的振幅、周期性和时间属性的影响。我们提出了一种方法，将这些不同的声学维度整合到调制大小的整体测量中。调制载体法不仅涵盖了所有经典的连读类型，而且还包括末尾停止音中的叠音释放损失--虽然这在传统上不属于连读，但显然与属于连读的过程有关。

引用次数: 0

Learning biases in proper nouns 专有名词的学习偏差

IF 1.3 2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Phonology

Pub Date : 2024-04-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675724000046

Yu Tanaka

It has been proposed that there are cognitive biases in language learning that favour certain patterns over others. This study examines the effects of such bias factors on the learning of the phonology of proper nouns. I take up the phenomenon of compound voicing in Japanese surnames. The results of two judgment experiments show that, while Japanese speakers replicate various kinds of statistical regularities in existing names, they tend to extend only phonologically motivated patterns to novel names. This suggests that phonological naturalness plays a role even in the learning of a highly faithful category of words, namely proper nouns, and provides evidence for the relevance of learning biases in synchronic grammar.

有人提出，在语言学习中存在着认知偏差，这些偏差会使某些模式优于其他模式。本研究探讨了这些偏差因素对专有名词语音学习的影响。我以日语姓氏中的复合发声现象为研究对象。两个判断实验的结果表明，虽然日语使用者会复制现有名称中的各种统计规律性，但他们倾向于只将语音动机模式扩展到新名称中。这表明语音自然性甚至在学习专有名词这一高度忠实的词类时也发挥作用，并为同步语法中学习偏差的相关性提供了证据。

引用次数: 0

Implicit and explicit processes in phonological concept learning 语音概念学习的内隐和外显过程

IF 1.3 2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Phonology

Pub Date : 2024-03-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675724000034

Elliott Moreton, Katya Pertsova

Non-linguistic pattern learning uses distinct implicit and explicit processes, which differ in behavioural signatures, inductive biases and proposed model architectures. This study asked whether both processes are available in phonotactic learning in the lab. Five Internet experiments collected generalisation, learning curves, response times and detailed debriefings from 671 valid participants. Implicit and explicit learners were found in all conditions and experiments. Objective measures of implicit vs. explicit learning were correlated with introspective self-report. Participants spontaneously discovered and named phonetic features. These findings contradict the common (usually tacit) assumption that ‘artificial-language’ participants learn only implicitly. Learning mode also affected inductive bias: Implicit learning improved performance on family-resemblance patterns relative to biconditionals (if-and-only-if, exclusive-or) in two experiments. The direction of this effect is unexpected under many current theories of how implicit and explicit concept learning differ, and is consistent with models of explicit learning which take pattern-irrelevant features into account.

非语言模式学习使用不同的内隐和外显过程，这两种过程在行为特征、归纳偏差和建议的模型架构方面各不相同。本研究询问这两种过程是否都可用于实验室中的语音指令学习。五项互联网实验收集了 671 名有效参与者的泛化、学习曲线、反应时间和详细汇报。在所有条件和实验中都发现了内隐和外显学习者。内隐学习与外显学习的客观测量结果与内省自我报告相关联。参与者自发地发现并命名了语音特征。这些发现与 "人工语言 "参与者只进行内隐学习的普遍假设（通常是默认的）相矛盾。学习模式也会影响归纳偏差：在两个实验中，内隐学习相对于双条件（if-and-only-if、exclusive-or）提高了家族相似模式的成绩。这种影响的方向出乎目前许多关于内隐和外显概念学习不同的理论的意料，并且与考虑到模式相关特征的外显学习模型相一致。

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引用次数: 0

The stratal structure of Kuria morphological tone 库里亚形态音的地层结构

IF 1.3 2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Phonology

Pub Date : 2024-02-12 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000180

Jochen Trommer

Marlo et al. (2015) claim that Kuria verbal tone morphology undermines three well-established principles of locality and modularity: (1) Phonological Locality: the assumption that rules and constraints may only evaluate a small window of phonological objects; (2) Cyclic Locality: the stratal organization of morphophonology into stems, words and phrases; and (3) Indirect Reference: the claim that phonological rules and constraints cannot directly access morphosyntactic information. Sande et al. (2020) turn this claim into an argument for a new model of the morphosyntax–phonology interface, Cophonologies by Phase, which erases the separation between phonology and morphology and abandons standard locality domains in favour of syntactic phases. In this article, I show that the conclusions of both articles are unfounded: the Kuria data follow naturally from an analysis based on autosegmental tone melodies in a version of Stratal Optimality Theory which embraces all three restrictions, Phonological and Cyclic Locality and Indirect Reference, the latter implemented by Coloured Containment Theory. I argue that this approach obviates the technical and conceptual objections raised by Marlo et al. against a tone-melody analysis of Kuria, and makes more restrictive predictions about possible systems of tonal morphophonology compared to construction phonology frameworks.

Marlo 等人（2015）认为库里亚语的动词语气形态学破坏了三条已确立的定位和模块化原则：（1）语音定位：假设规则和约束只能评估语音对象的一小部分；（2）循环定位：形态语音学分为词干、词和短语的分层组织；（3）间接参照：语音规则和约束不能直接获取形态句法信息。桑德等人（2020）将这一主张转化为一种新的形态句法-语音界面模型的论据，即 "阶段语音学"（Cophonologies by Phase），该模型抹去了语音学和形态学之间的分离，放弃了标准的定位域，转而支持句法阶段。在本文中，我将证明这两篇文章的结论都是毫无根据的：库里亚语的数据自然来自于基于分层优化理论（Stratal Optimality Theory）中的自分层音调旋律的分析，该理论包含所有三个限制条件，即语音和循环定位以及间接参照，后者由彩色包含理论（Coloured Containment Theory）实现。我认为，这种方法避免了马洛等人对库里亚音调-旋律分析提出的技术和概念上的反对意见，而且与构造音韵学框架相比，对可能的音调形态音韵学系统做出了更具限制性的预测。

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引用次数: 0

Stratal overgeneration is necessary: metrically incoherent syncope in Southern Pomo 地层过代是必要的：南方波莫人不连贯的同步现象

IF 1.3 2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Phonology

Pub Date : 2024-02-07 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000234

Max J. Kaplan

Southern Pomo (Pomoan, California) displays a process of rhythmic vowel deletion (syncope) reflecting two mutually incompatible metrical structures. This phenomenon, called metrical incoherence, can be derived by an ordered sequence of independent subgrammars, that is, strata. Metrical incoherence is under-attested crosslinguistically, and the stratal models of phonology necessary to generate it have been criticised for predicting counter-typological phenomena. Nevertheless, the Southern Pomo data cannot be generated in more restrictive frameworks. This article argues that overgeneration is a necessary property of the phonological component, and that metrical incoherence is rare because it is difficult to learn. In Southern Pomo, this difficulty appears to have caused grammatical competition and restructuring: a second pattern of syncope, occurring in only a limited context, suggests that learners have reanalysed the grammar as having consistent metrical structure across the derivation. This work thus supports the proposal that diachronic change – and therefore typology – is constrained by extragrammatical factors.

南波莫语（加利福尼亚州波莫语）显示出一种有节奏的元音删除过程（同步），反映出两种互不兼容的韵律结构。这种现象被称为 "韵律不连贯"（metrical incoherence），可以通过有序的独立子音节序列（即 "层"）衍生出来。在跨语言学中，韵律不连贯的证据不足，而产生韵律不连贯所需的语音学分层模型也因预测反类型现象而受到批评。然而，南波莫语的数据无法在限制性更强的框架内生成。本文认为，过度生成是语音成分的一个必要属性，而韵律不一致之所以罕见，是因为它很难学习。在南波莫语中，这种困难似乎引起了语法竞争和重组：仅在有限的语境中出现的第二种同步模式表明，学习者已将语法重新分析为在整个派生过程中具有一致的韵律结构。因此，这项研究支持了这样一种观点，即非同步变化--以及类型学--受到语法外因素的制约。

引用次数: 0

Phonological and acoustic properties of ATR in the vowel system of Akebu (Kwa) 阿克布（Kwa）元音系统中 ATR 的语音和声学特性

IF 1.3 2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Phonology

Pub Date : 2024-01-12 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000222

Nadezhda Makeeva, Natalia Kuznetsova

This study examines phonological and phonetic properties of ATR contrasts in the vowel system of Akebu (Kwa). The sum of descriptive evidence, including vowel harmony, vowel distribution in non-harmonising contexts, vowel reduction and typological and etymological considerations, indicates a rare vowel inventory with an ATR contrast in front/back vowels but a height contrast in the three redundantly [ $-$ ATR] central vowels /ᵻ, ə, a/. This analysis was checked against four common acoustic metrics of ATR: F1 and F2 frequencies, spectral slope and F1 bandwidth size (B1). As expected, the results for the last three metrics were variable across speakers and vowel types, and are therefore inconclusive. The results for F1 were consistent but do not distinguish between ATR and vowel height. Two results nonetheless suggest the [ $-$ ATR] status of central vowels: they occupy the same belt of F1 frequencies and show the same position of observed-over-predicted B1 values as front and back [ $-$ ATR] vowels.

本研究探讨了 Akebu（克瓦语）元音系统中 ATR 对比的语音学和语音特性。包括元音和谐度、元音在非和谐语境中的分布、元音缩减以及类型学和词源学考虑在内的描述性证据的总和表明，在前/后元音中存在 ATR 对比，但在三个多余的[$-$ ATR] 中心元音/ᵻ, ə, a/ 中存在高度对比，这种元音库存十分罕见。这一分析与 ATR 的四个常见声学指标进行了检验：F1 和 F2 频率、频谱斜率和 F1 带宽大小 (B1)。不出所料，后三个指标的结果在不同说话者和不同元音类型之间存在差异，因此无法得出结论。F1 的结果是一致的，但没有区分 ATR 和元音高度。然而，有两个结果表明了中心元音的[$-$ ATR]地位：它们占据了相同的 F1 频率带，并显示出与前后元音[$-$ ATR]相同的观察值-预测值 B1 位置。

引用次数: 0

Phonetically incomplete neutralisation can be phonologically complete: evidence from Huai’an Mandarin 语音不完全中和可以是语音完全中和：来自淮安普通话的证据

IF 1.3 2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Phonology

Pub Date : 2024-01-11 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000192

Naiyan Du, Karthik Durvasula

The phenomenon of incomplete neutralisation describes a situation where a putative case of categorical phonological neutralisation is observed to be phonetically non-neutralising. This has been argued to be a problem for phonological theories that employ categorical features. Here, we use two distinct feeding orders of tone sandhi processes from Huai’an Mandarin to show that incomplete phonetic neutralisation is compatible with categorical phonological phenomena. Therefore, incomplete phonetic neutralisation does not automatically inform us of gradient phonological representations. We further show that incomplete phonetic neutralisation can in fact have a large effect size. Such results are not surprising from a classic generative view of phonology where linguistic performance is argued to be a multi-factorial problem, and linguistic knowledge (i.e., competence) is only one of the many factors involved. Furthermore, our results suggest that the observed incompleteness or gradience may have a source outside phonological knowledge.

不完全中和现象描述的是这样一种情况：一个假定的分类语音中和案例被观察到在语音上是非中和的。这被认为是采用分类特征的语音理论的一个问题。在这里，我们利用淮安普通话中两种不同的喂养顺序的声调沙地过程来证明不完全语音中和与分类语音现象是相容的。因此，不完全语音中和并不能自动告诉我们梯度语音表征。我们还进一步证明，不完全语音中和实际上可以产生很大的效应。从语音学的经典生成观点来看，这样的结果并不令人吃惊，因为在语音学中，语言成绩被认为是一个多因素的问题，而语言知识（即能力）只是众多因素中的一个。此外，我们的研究结果表明，所观察到的不完整性或渐变性可能来源于语音知识之外。

引用次数: 0

Theoretical approaches to grammatical tone 语法语调的理论研究

IF 1.3 2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Phonology

Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000179

Florian Lionnet, Laura McPherson, Nicholas Rolle

Tone is distinct from other phonological phenomena both qualitatively and quantitatively (Hyman 2011), and has been instrumental in shaping phonological theory in many ways. However, the contributions to current linguistic theory of “grammatical tone’ (GT) – a type of non-concatenative morphology where a morpheme is expressed at least in part by tone and/or tone changes – have been less apparent. In this paper, we take stock of the types of GT patterns attested in the literature and the different theoretical treatments of GT that have been proposed to date. We show that GT is still to a large extent underexplored, and highlight the immense potential of the study of GT for improving our understanding of phonology and its outer limits. This paper serves as an introduction to the high-quality research articles collected in this special issue, which directly address how GT critically informs phonological theory and its current developments.

声调在质量和数量上都不同于其他音系现象(Hyman 2011)，并且在许多方面都有助于形成音系理论。然而，对当前语言学理论“语法语调”(GT)的贡献却不那么明显。“语法语调”是一种非连接词法，其中语素至少部分地通过语调和/或语调变化来表达。在本文中，我们盘点了文献中证实的GT模式的类型以及迄今为止提出的GT的不同理论处理。我们表明，GT在很大程度上仍未得到充分开发，并强调了GT研究在提高我们对音系及其外部限制的理解方面的巨大潜力。本文介绍了本期特刊中收集的高质量研究文章，这些文章直接讨论了GT如何批判性地影响音系理论及其当前的发展。

引用次数: 0

Tone and morphological level ordering in Dagaare 达加尔语的声调和形态层次排序

2区文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS

Phonology

Pub Date : 2023-11-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000167

Arto Anttila, Adams Bodomo

Abstract Dagaare is a language of northern Ghana and adjoining areas of Burkina Faso. There are two tones, H and L, and contrastive downstep H ! H that involves a non-automatic pitch drop between two H tones. The challenge is to explain the extensive morphological conditioning of tonal processes, including dissimilation, downstep and spreading. Our solution involves level ordering: tones are introduced at different morphological levels (stems, words and phrases) and later processes can make earlier processes opaque. Tonal differences between nouns (spreading) versus verbs (no spreading) and stems (dissimilation) versus words (downstep) arise from constraint ranking differences within and across levels. There are two kinds of downsteps: stem-level downsteps are underlying L tones affiliated with some morpheme; word-level downsteps are L tones inserted by a general process of word-final lowering. Only one downstep per word is allowed. If more would arise, the morphologically inner downstep blocks the morphologically outer downstep.

达加雷语是加纳北部和布基纳法索邻近地区的一种语言。有两个音调，H和L，对比降调H !在两个H音之间有一个非自动的音调下降。挑战在于解释音调过程的广泛形态条件，包括异化、降级和传播。我们的解决方案涉及级别排序:音调在不同的形态学级别(词干、单词和短语)引入，后面的过程可能使前面的过程不透明。名词(扩散)与动词(不扩散)、词干(异化)与词(降格)之间的音调差异源于层次内和层次间的约束等级差异。降阶有两种:词干级降阶是指与某些语素相关的L声调;词级降调是指通过词尾降调的一般过程插入的L音。每个字只允许降序一次。如果出现更多，形态上的内部降压会阻止形态上的外部降压。

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