Pub Date : 2021-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000348
M. Dąbkowski
A'ingae (or Cofán) is a language isolate spoken in the Ecuadorian and Colombian Amazon. This study presents a description and analysis of the language's morphologically conditioned verbal stress assignment. Specifically, I show that A'ingae verbal morphemes can be classified with two binary parameters: the presence or absence of prestressing and the presence or absence of stress deletion (i.e. dominance), which vary independently. I formalise my analysis in Cophonology Theory, a non-representational theory of the phonology–morphology interface, which captures morpheme-specific phonology with constraint rankings particularised to morphological constructions. I argue that while non-representational approaches such as Cophonology Theory can handle the facts of A'ingae stress deletion straightforwardly, representational approaches lack the expressive power necessary to capture the stress facts of the language.
{"title":"Dominance is non-representational: evidence from A'ingae verbal stress","authors":"M. Dąbkowski","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000348","url":null,"abstract":"A'ingae (or Cofán) is a language isolate spoken in the Ecuadorian and Colombian Amazon. This study presents a description and analysis of the language's morphologically conditioned verbal stress assignment. Specifically, I show that A'ingae verbal morphemes can be classified with two binary parameters: the presence or absence of prestressing and the presence or absence of stress deletion (i.e. dominance), which vary independently. I formalise my analysis in Cophonology Theory, a non-representational theory of the phonology–morphology interface, which captures morpheme-specific phonology with constraint rankings particularised to morphological constructions. I argue that while non-representational approaches such as Cophonology Theory can handle the facts of A'ingae stress deletion straightforwardly, representational approaches lack the expressive power necessary to capture the stress facts of the language.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"611 - 650"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45076722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S095267572100035X
Jonah Katz
This paper develops a model of lenition in Campidanese Sardinian. The model treats lenition (and its inverse, fortition) as a predictable consequence of gradient changes in duration associated with prosodic structure. A more typical approach to lenition processes in Campidanese and other languages is to treat them as changes in phonological features. I show here that a phonetic model operating on the output of phonological computations avoids some of the analytical problems associated with such phonological analyses, unifies the phonetic and phonological description of lenition, and captures the relationship between prosody, lenition and duration. While the detailed simulations here are specific to Campidanese, I suggest that the model is broadly applicable to languages with intervocalic lenition processes such as voicing, spirantisation and tapping.
{"title":"Intervocalic lenition is not phonological: evidence from Campidanese Sardinian","authors":"Jonah Katz","doi":"10.1017/S095267572100035X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S095267572100035X","url":null,"abstract":"This paper develops a model of lenition in Campidanese Sardinian. The model treats lenition (and its inverse, fortition) as a predictable consequence of gradient changes in duration associated with prosodic structure. A more typical approach to lenition processes in Campidanese and other languages is to treat them as changes in phonological features. I show here that a phonetic model operating on the output of phonological computations avoids some of the analytical problems associated with such phonological analyses, unifies the phonetic and phonological description of lenition, and captures the relationship between prosody, lenition and duration. While the detailed simulations here are specific to Campidanese, I suggest that the model is broadly applicable to languages with intervocalic lenition processes such as voicing, spirantisation and tapping.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"651 - 692"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46122091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000361
Andrew Lamont
While attested phonological mappings appear to be regular, Optimality Theory is known to implement more complex functions. This squib contributes to the computational characterisation of Optimality Theory by constructing a grammar that implements a non-pushdown function. By using only simple, familiar constraints, the result suggests that a large proportion of optimality-theoretic grammars are more powerful than necessary as models of phonology.
{"title":"Optimality Theory implements complex functions with simple constraints","authors":"Andrew Lamont","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000361","url":null,"abstract":"While attested phonological mappings appear to be regular, Optimality Theory is known to implement more complex functions. This squib contributes to the computational characterisation of Optimality Theory by constructing a grammar that implements a non-pushdown function. By using only simple, familiar constraints, the result suggests that a large proportion of optimality-theoretic grammars are more powerful than necessary as models of phonology.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"729 - 740"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44896949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000373
G. Schwartz, K. Kaźmierski, Ewelina Wojtkowiak
An acoustic experiment on final devoicing in Polish, aimed at providing new data on incomplete neutralisation, is described. The experiment was modelled on a study of German by Roettger et al. (2014), who mitigated possible effects of orthography by employing a word-formation task based on auditory stimuli, eliciting stop-final nonce words with underlying final voiced or voiceless stops. Our results provide some evidence for incomplete neutralisation in Polish, with an effect on closure duration, but not on preceding vowel duration, as well as interspeaker variation in the reliability of contrast maintenance. Considered against the background of studies from other languages, the results point to implementational differences in incomplete neutralisation effects as a function of laryngeal typology, which are accounted for in the Onset Prominence representational model.
{"title":"Perspectives on final laryngeal neutralisation: new evidence from Polish","authors":"G. Schwartz, K. Kaźmierski, Ewelina Wojtkowiak","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000373","url":null,"abstract":"An acoustic experiment on final devoicing in Polish, aimed at providing new data on incomplete neutralisation, is described. The experiment was modelled on a study of German by Roettger et al. (2014), who mitigated possible effects of orthography by employing a word-formation task based on auditory stimuli, eliciting stop-final nonce words with underlying final voiced or voiceless stops. Our results provide some evidence for incomplete neutralisation in Polish, with an effect on closure duration, but not on preceding vowel duration, as well as interspeaker variation in the reliability of contrast maintenance. Considered against the background of studies from other languages, the results point to implementational differences in incomplete neutralisation effects as a function of laryngeal typology, which are accounted for in the Onset Prominence representational model.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"693 - 727"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42725060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000336
D. Brentari, Rabia Ergin, Ann Senghas, Pyeong Whan Cho, Eli Owens, Marie Coppola
In this work, we address structural, iconic and social dimensions of the emergence of phonological systems in two emerging sign languages. A comparative analysis is conducted of data from a village sign language (Central Taurus Sign Language; CTSL) and a community sign language (Nicaraguan Sign Language; NSL). Both languages are approximately 50 years old, but the sizes and social structures of their respective communities are quite different. We find important differences between the two languages’ handshape inventories. CTSL's handshape inventory has changed more slowly than NSL's across the same time period. In addition, while the inventories of the two languages are of similar size, handshape complexity is higher in NSL than in CTSL. This work provides an example of the unique and important perspective that emerging sign languages offer regarding longstanding questions about how phonological systems emerge.
{"title":"Community interactions and phonemic inventories in emerging sign languages","authors":"D. Brentari, Rabia Ergin, Ann Senghas, Pyeong Whan Cho, Eli Owens, Marie Coppola","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000336","url":null,"abstract":"In this work, we address structural, iconic and social dimensions of the emergence of phonological systems in two emerging sign languages. A comparative analysis is conducted of data from a village sign language (Central Taurus Sign Language; CTSL) and a community sign language (Nicaraguan Sign Language; NSL). Both languages are approximately 50 years old, but the sizes and social structures of their respective communities are quite different. We find important differences between the two languages’ handshape inventories. CTSL's handshape inventory has changed more slowly than NSL's across the same time period. In addition, while the inventories of the two languages are of similar size, handshape complexity is higher in NSL than in CTSL. This work provides an example of the unique and important perspective that emerging sign languages offer regarding longstanding questions about how phonological systems emerge.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"571 - 609"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45595430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675721000221
Itamar Kastner
In Inflectional morphology in harmonic serialism (IMHS), Gereon Müller provides proof of concept for a new theory of the morphology–phonology interface. IMHS proposes a lexicalist (presyntactic), realisational theory of morphology, built around the tenets of Harmonic Serialism (McCarthy 2008): the derivation begins with the root and proceeds through the affixes, whereby the optimal exponent is selected at each step. The monograph goes through a range of data in different languages, developing and refining the theory in order to account for increasingly complex empirical scenarios. The book holds together well. IMHS is a young theory, still finding its bearings in a world full of counterbleeding, multiple exponence and root suppletion. It would be harsh to expect it to provide thorough accounts of many different phenomena. The monograph takes the challenge head on, though, applying the serialist framework to case after case. What we get as a result is the first systematic overview of the theory, delivering more than it originally promised. This achievement makes it possible to dig into the architecture of IMHS, comparing it with other approaches in a way that a theory this novel would not usually facilitate. I devote the first half of this review to outlining IMHS itself (§2), before considering it on its own terms (§3) and highlighting points of contrast with other approaches (§4).
{"title":"Gereon Müller (2020). Inflectional morphology in harmonic serialism. (Advances in Optimality Theory.) Sheffield & Bristol, CT: Equinox Publishing. Pp. x + 350.","authors":"Itamar Kastner","doi":"10.1017/S0952675721000221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675721000221","url":null,"abstract":"In Inflectional morphology in harmonic serialism (IMHS), Gereon Müller provides proof of concept for a new theory of the morphology–phonology interface. IMHS proposes a lexicalist (presyntactic), realisational theory of morphology, built around the tenets of Harmonic Serialism (McCarthy 2008): the derivation begins with the root and proceeds through the affixes, whereby the optimal exponent is selected at each step. The monograph goes through a range of data in different languages, developing and refining the theory in order to account for increasingly complex empirical scenarios. The book holds together well. IMHS is a young theory, still finding its bearings in a world full of counterbleeding, multiple exponence and root suppletion. It would be harsh to expect it to provide thorough accounts of many different phenomena. The monograph takes the challenge head on, though, applying the serialist framework to case after case. What we get as a result is the first systematic overview of the theory, delivering more than it originally promised. This achievement makes it possible to dig into the architecture of IMHS, comparing it with other approaches in a way that a theory this novel would not usually facilitate. I devote the first half of this review to outlining IMHS itself (§2), before considering it on its own terms (§3) and highlighting points of contrast with other approaches (§4).","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"38 1","pages":"513 - 520"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49630585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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