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From Objectivist Bias to Positivist Bias: A Constructivist Critique of the Attitudes Approach to Populism 从客观主义偏见到实证主义偏见:对民粹主义态度方法的建构主义批判
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231225403
Seongcheol Kim, A. Mondon
This article undertakes a critique of the attitudes approach to populism, predicated on survey-based operationalisations of populism as a set of attitudes. Our critique is threefold: first, the move of reducing ‘the elite’ to ‘the politicians’ in survey items – beginning with the foundational Akkerman scale – is at odds with the constructivist underpinnings of Mudde’s ideational definition that this literature largely draws on, where ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’ are understood as contingent constructions that can take on a wide range of meanings depending on the ideological permutation. Second, our corpus linguistics-based overview of empirical patterns within the ‘populist attitudes’ literature indicates a skewed focus on the far right within this literature, contrary to the ideological variability of populism following the ideational definition. Third, the reliance on public opinion surveys points to the danger of reifying public opinion and attributing objective qualities to ‘the people’ as such. In assuming categories such as ‘the elite’ to stand for determinate referents such as ‘the politicians’ in survey-based operationalisations, the positivist bias of the attitudes approach paradoxically mirrors the objectivist bias (following Sartori) of early populism research that reduced the identity of ‘the people’ in populism to determinate socio-structural categories such as the peasantry.
本文对民粹主义的态度研究方法进行了批判,该方法以调查为基础,将民粹主义作为一系列态度进行操作。我们的批判包括三个方面:首先,在调查项目中将 "精英 "还原为 "政客"--从基础性的阿克曼量表开始--的做法与穆德的意识形态定义的建构主义基础相悖,而这篇文献主要借鉴了穆德的意识形态定义,在穆德的意识形态定义中,"人民 "和 "精英 "被理解为或然建构,可以根据意识形态的变化而具有广泛的含义。其次,我们基于语料库语言学对 "民粹主义态度 "文献中的经验模式进行的概述表明,这些文献偏重于极右翼,这与意识形态定义下民粹主义的意识形态变异性背道而驰。第三,对民意调查的依赖指出了将民意重新定义并将客观品质归于 "人民 "本身的危险。在以调查为基础的操作中,"精英 "等类别被假定为 "政治家 "等确定的指代对象,态度研究法的实证主义偏见自相矛盾地反映了早期民粹主义研究的客观主义偏见(追随萨托利),即把民粹主义中 "人民 "的身份简化为农民等确定的社会结构类别。
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引用次数: 0
From Objectivist Bias to Positivist Bias: A Constructivist Critique of the Attitudes Approach to Populism 从客观主义偏见到实证主义偏见:对民粹主义态度方法的建构主义批判
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231225403
Seongcheol Kim, A. Mondon
This article undertakes a critique of the attitudes approach to populism, predicated on survey-based operationalisations of populism as a set of attitudes. Our critique is threefold: first, the move of reducing ‘the elite’ to ‘the politicians’ in survey items – beginning with the foundational Akkerman scale – is at odds with the constructivist underpinnings of Mudde’s ideational definition that this literature largely draws on, where ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’ are understood as contingent constructions that can take on a wide range of meanings depending on the ideological permutation. Second, our corpus linguistics-based overview of empirical patterns within the ‘populist attitudes’ literature indicates a skewed focus on the far right within this literature, contrary to the ideological variability of populism following the ideational definition. Third, the reliance on public opinion surveys points to the danger of reifying public opinion and attributing objective qualities to ‘the people’ as such. In assuming categories such as ‘the elite’ to stand for determinate referents such as ‘the politicians’ in survey-based operationalisations, the positivist bias of the attitudes approach paradoxically mirrors the objectivist bias (following Sartori) of early populism research that reduced the identity of ‘the people’ in populism to determinate socio-structural categories such as the peasantry.
本文对民粹主义的态度研究方法进行了批判,该方法以调查为基础,将民粹主义作为一系列态度进行操作。我们的批判包括三个方面:首先,在调查项目中将 "精英 "还原为 "政客"--从基础性的阿克曼量表开始--的做法与穆德的意识形态定义的建构主义基础相悖,而这篇文献主要借鉴了穆德的意识形态定义,在穆德的意识形态定义中,"人民 "和 "精英 "被理解为或然建构,可以根据意识形态的变化而具有广泛的含义。其次,我们基于语料库语言学对 "民粹主义态度 "文献中的经验模式进行的概述表明,这些文献偏重于极右翼,这与意识形态定义下民粹主义的意识形态变异性背道而驰。第三,对民意调查的依赖指出了将民意重新定义并将客观品质归于 "人民 "本身的危险。在以调查为基础的操作中,"精英 "等类别被假定为 "政治家 "等确定的指代对象,态度研究法的实证主义偏见自相矛盾地反映了早期民粹主义研究的客观主义偏见(追随萨托利),即把民粹主义中 "人民 "的身份简化为农民等确定的社会结构类别。
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Giorgos Venizelos, Populism in Power: Discourse and Performativity in SYRIZA and Donald Trump 特约书评:Giorgos Venizelos, Populism in Power:SYRIZA和唐纳德-特朗普的话语和表演性
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-31 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241227781
Petar Bankov
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Philip Fehling, Hans-Jürgen Burchardt, Taxation and Inequality in Latin America: New Perspectives on Political Economy and Tax Regimes 特约书评:Philip Fehling、Hans-Jürgen Burchardt,《拉丁美洲的税收与不平等》:政治经济学和税收制度的新视角
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-29 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241226612
Jorge Garcia-Arias
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Marianna Griffini, The Politics of Memory in the Italian Populist Radical Right. From Mare Nostrum to Mare Vostrum 特约书评:Marianna Griffini, The Politics of Memory in the Italian Populist Radical Right.从 Mare Nostrum 到 Mare Vostrum
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-29 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241228090
Laura Montecchio
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Tobias Cremer, The Godless Crusade: Religion, Populism and Right-Wing Identity Politics in the West 委托书评:托比亚斯-克雷默,《无神的十字军东征》:西方的宗教、民粹主义和右翼身份政治
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-27 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241227784
Nazar Syvak
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Emily B Finley, The Ideology of Democratism 特约书评:艾米莉-B-芬利:《民主主义的意识形态
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-27 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241227785
Z. Nagy
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引用次数: 0
Who Runs in the End? New Evidence on the Effects of Gender, Ethnicity and Intersectionality on Candidate Selection 最终谁会参选?性别、种族和交叉性对候选人选择影响的新证据
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-27 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241226616
M. Debus, Noam Himmelrath
Candidate selection within parties is a key stage in the political process and provides an important frame for the degree of representation of social groups in parliaments. We seek to develop a better understanding of the effect of intersectionality on candidate selection processes. We do so by examining the effect of candidates’ key socio-demographic characteristics, like their gender and ethnic background, on their chances of getting nominated by their party. We argue that features of the ideological background of the respective nominating party matter for the chances that women and aspirants with an ethnic background win the nomination as their party’s district candidate. We make use of novel data from the 2021 German federal election that provides detailed information on the candidate selection processes of all major parties in the 299 election districts. By doing so, we apply existing theoretical expectations to an untested case and find that female competitors and aspirants with an ethnic background face difficulties being nominated, in particular in the case of parties with rather traditionalist societal policy positions. We also find that intersectionality matters: female aspirants of ethnic minorities are even less likely to be nominated by ideologically traditional parties.
政党内部的候选人遴选是政治进程中的一个关键阶段,为社会群体在议会中的代表程度提供了一个重要框架。我们试图更好地理解交叉性对候选人遴选过程的影响。为此,我们研究了候选人的主要社会人口特征(如性别和种族背景)对其获得政党提名机会的影响。我们认为,各提名党派的意识形态背景特征会影响女性和有种族背景的候选人赢得党派地区候选人提名的机会。我们利用了 2021 年德国联邦选举的新数据,这些数据提供了各主要政党在 299 个选区候选人遴选过程的详细信息。通过这种方法,我们将现有的理论预期应用于一个未经测试的案例,并发现女性竞争者和有种族背景的有志之士面临着被提名的困难,尤其是在社会政策立场比较传统的政党中。我们还发现,交叉性也很重要:少数族裔的女性候选人甚至不太可能获得意识形态传统政党的提名。
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引用次数: 1
Introducing a Conceptual Map of Political Elites’ Responses to Different Types of Uncertain Phenomena 介绍政治精英应对不同类型不确定现象的概念图
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-25 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231222847
Barbara Vis
Political elites—like ministers or members of parliament—face numerous phenomena that are characterized by uncertainty. Uncertainty ranges from resolvable to radical, whereby the former can be removed with more or better information, but radical uncertainty cannot. Remarkably, little is known about political elites’ responses to such phenomena, both theoretically (what responses are likely?) and empirically (which responses do political elites display?). This “New Ideas” contribution addresses the theoretical lacuna by presenting a multidisciplinary conceptual map of possible responses to radical and resolvable uncertainty. These responses influence political elites’ effectiveness in solving problems and, thus, how representative democracies function. The article also sketches how to identify the responses empirically.
政治精英--如部长或议员--面临着许多以不确定性为特征的现象。不确定性从可解决到激进不确定性不等,前者可以通过获得更多或更好的信息来消除,但激进不确定性则无法消除。值得注意的是,人们对政治精英对此类现象的反应知之甚少,无论是从理论上(哪些反应是可能的?这篇 "新观点 "文章针对这一理论空白,提出了一个多学科概念图,展示了对激进和可解决的不确定性可能做出的反应。这些应对措施会影响政治精英解决问题的效率,进而影响代议制民主的运作。文章还概述了如何从经验上确定这些应对措施。
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引用次数: 0
Religion, Perceived Unfairness, and Political Protest: Empirical Evidence From East Asian Countries 宗教、不公平感与政治抗议:东亚国家的经验证据
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-19 DOI: 10.1177/14789299231225401
Wen-Chun Chang
Religion is considered to have different aspects of influences on political protest, and some have argued that religious participation often mobilizes collective political actions by enhancing individuals’ civic skills and political efficacy. By contrast, religious values and beliefs that emphasize the importance of traditional norms and conformity tend to reduce individuals’ propensities to participate in political protest. The influences of religion on individuals’ attitudes toward coping with injustice and unfairness can be critical for explaining their propensities to participate in political protest. Using data from the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey, this study investigates the role of perceived unfairness in shaping the link between religion and political protest in 13 East Asian countries. In accordance with the arguments of mobilizing and conforming effects, we find that religious attendance increases individuals’ propensities to engage in political protest, while religiosity has a negative effect on political protest. In particular, the results show that the perceived unfairness of income distribution mediates the indirect effects of religion on political protest. They also present that religious affiliations mitigate perceived unfairness and indirectly reduce individuals’ propensities to participate in political protest. Nevertheless, the direct effects of religious attendance on mobilizing political protest are stronger.
宗教被认为对政治抗议有不同方面的影响,有人认为,宗教参与往往通过提高个人的公民技能和政治效能来动员集体政治行动。与此相反,强调传统规范和遵从的重要性的宗教价值观和信仰往往会降低个人参与政治抗议的倾向。宗教对个人应对不公正和不公平态度的影响对于解释个人参与政治抗议的倾向至关重要。本研究利用第四波亚洲晴雨表调查的数据,探讨了在 13 个东亚国家中,感知到的不公平在形成宗教与政治抗议之间的联系方面所起的作用。根据动员效应和顺应效应的论点,我们发现参加宗教活动会增加个人参与政治抗议的倾向,而宗教信仰对政治抗议有负面影响。特别是,研究结果表明,收入分配的不公平感调解了宗教对政治抗议的间接影响。他们还提出,宗教归属会减轻人们对不公平的感知,并间接降低个人参与政治抗议的倾向。然而,参加宗教活动对动员政治抗议的直接影响更大。
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Political Studies Review
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