Pub Date : 2024-01-04DOI: 10.1177/14789299231220538
Matthew M Carlson, Masaki Nakabayashi
Campaign finance and other political reforms often have redistributive consequences when they improve the position of one group over another. When potentially redistributive reforms are debated or passed, groups may resist or support such reforms depending on their belief about whether the reforms will be advantageous or not to their own position. In dominant party systems such as Japan, we expect that major reforms will have heterogeneous effects for different factions within Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). In 1975 and 1994, reformers in Japan introduced major changes that they hoped would reduce corruption and strengthen political parties over factions. In this article, we empirically investigate the asymmetrical impact of the reforms on the total amount of revenue and contributions disclosed by factions in the LDP. We find that the 1975 reform had significant redistributive effects, including a relatively adverse impact on the faction linked to Tanaka Kakuei in terms of total revenue. The 1994 reforms, in contrast, reveal that the Tanaka faction did the best among the factions in collecting revenues and consolidating its power.
{"title":"Factions and the Redistributive Effects of Reform in Japan","authors":"Matthew M Carlson, Masaki Nakabayashi","doi":"10.1177/14789299231220538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231220538","url":null,"abstract":"Campaign finance and other political reforms often have redistributive consequences when they improve the position of one group over another. When potentially redistributive reforms are debated or passed, groups may resist or support such reforms depending on their belief about whether the reforms will be advantageous or not to their own position. In dominant party systems such as Japan, we expect that major reforms will have heterogeneous effects for different factions within Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). In 1975 and 1994, reformers in Japan introduced major changes that they hoped would reduce corruption and strengthen political parties over factions. In this article, we empirically investigate the asymmetrical impact of the reforms on the total amount of revenue and contributions disclosed by factions in the LDP. We find that the 1975 reform had significant redistributive effects, including a relatively adverse impact on the faction linked to Tanaka Kakuei in terms of total revenue. The 1994 reforms, in contrast, reveal that the Tanaka faction did the best among the factions in collecting revenues and consolidating its power.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139387256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-03DOI: 10.1177/14789299231222850
Ugur Tekiner
{"title":"Commissioned Book Review: Patrick Diamond, The British Labour Party in Opposition and Power, 1979–2019: Forward March Halted?","authors":"Ugur Tekiner","doi":"10.1177/14789299231222850","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231222850","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139389650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-30DOI: 10.1177/14789299231218661
Natasza Styczyńska
Poland is an interesting example of a country in which a Eurosceptic government was elected by citizens who on the whole declare their commitment to European Union membership and trust in the European institutions. Notwithstanding, due to country-specific factors, Poles are prone to populist and anti-elitist rhetoric. Poland, similarly to other countries in the region of Central and Eastern Europe, serves also as a case study of how populism can be merged with Euroscepticism, which can be observed particularly on the right side of the political arena and enhanced by nationalism. The article focuses on Poland as a peculiar example of a country in which a populist Eurosceptic government was elected by citizens who on the whole declare their commitment to European Union membership but are prone to populist rhetoric and identity politics.
{"title":"Contesting European Union From the ‘Heart of Europe’: A Peculiar Case of Polish Populist Euroscepticism After 2015","authors":"Natasza Styczyńska","doi":"10.1177/14789299231218661","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231218661","url":null,"abstract":"Poland is an interesting example of a country in which a Eurosceptic government was elected by citizens who on the whole declare their commitment to European Union membership and trust in the European institutions. Notwithstanding, due to country-specific factors, Poles are prone to populist and anti-elitist rhetoric. Poland, similarly to other countries in the region of Central and Eastern Europe, serves also as a case study of how populism can be merged with Euroscepticism, which can be observed particularly on the right side of the political arena and enhanced by nationalism. The article focuses on Poland as a peculiar example of a country in which a populist Eurosceptic government was elected by citizens who on the whole declare their commitment to European Union membership but are prone to populist rhetoric and identity politics.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139140854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-29DOI: 10.1177/14789299231217188
Jaewook Lee
Globalization and technological advancements pose a threat of job loss for native-born citizens, potentially leading to blaming immigrants for economic hardship. This sentiment hinges on the perception that foreign-born residents are not contributing to the host society, often combined with discourse portraying immigrants as competitors regarding welfare benefits. Nevertheless, we have limited knowledge about how labor market risk to job loss is related to anti-immigrant sentiments in tandem with their assessment of the welfare state, such as the deservingness of beneficiaries. Drawing on the European Social Survey, this study examines the relationship between labor market risks, deservingness perception, and anti-immigrant attitudes. First, the extent to which individuals are exposed to job-displacing transformations is negatively associated with a perception of immigrants’ contribution to the host society. Second, in contrast, the perception that welfare recipients are deserving is positively associated with an attitude toward immigrant contribution. Third, the association between the labor market risks and the devaluation of immigrants’ contributions is stronger among individuals who emphasize the deservingness of beneficiaries. We argue that economic insecurity combined with frustration with the fairness of the social welfare system can drive anti-immigrant attitudes.
{"title":"Economic Insecurity and the Rise of Anti-Immigrant Sentiments: The Role of Labor Market Risks and Welfare Deservingness Perception","authors":"Jaewook Lee","doi":"10.1177/14789299231217188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231217188","url":null,"abstract":"Globalization and technological advancements pose a threat of job loss for native-born citizens, potentially leading to blaming immigrants for economic hardship. This sentiment hinges on the perception that foreign-born residents are not contributing to the host society, often combined with discourse portraying immigrants as competitors regarding welfare benefits. Nevertheless, we have limited knowledge about how labor market risk to job loss is related to anti-immigrant sentiments in tandem with their assessment of the welfare state, such as the deservingness of beneficiaries. Drawing on the European Social Survey, this study examines the relationship between labor market risks, deservingness perception, and anti-immigrant attitudes. First, the extent to which individuals are exposed to job-displacing transformations is negatively associated with a perception of immigrants’ contribution to the host society. Second, in contrast, the perception that welfare recipients are deserving is positively associated with an attitude toward immigrant contribution. Third, the association between the labor market risks and the devaluation of immigrants’ contributions is stronger among individuals who emphasize the deservingness of beneficiaries. We argue that economic insecurity combined with frustration with the fairness of the social welfare system can drive anti-immigrant attitudes.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139147288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-19DOI: 10.1177/14789299231217619
Nino Junius
Research has shown that deliberative mini-publics have the potential to mitigate some of the deficiencies of contemporary representative democracy. To this end, mini-publics are becoming increasingly connected to other institutions of the democratic system so that their outputs can be transmitted to policy-makers. This article argues that the literature has underappreciated that mini-publics’ outputs are not simply transmitted from one institution to another. Instead, the transmission of outputs from mini-publics to other sites in the democratic system is always mediated by representation, which necessarily transforms outputs to some extent. The article identifies the following three main reasons for this: mini-publics’ representatives must interpret, perform, and negotiate outputs. Drawing on a least-likely case-study of Agora’s representation of the Brussels Citizens’ Assembly, it illustrates how these issues are pervasive even when representatives are primarily interested in the literal and faithful transmission of mini-publics’ outputs. The findings highlight how representatives struggle with representing mini-publics’ outputs.
{"title":"From Representative to Represented Mini-Publics: How Mini-Publics’ Outputs are Shaped by Representation","authors":"Nino Junius","doi":"10.1177/14789299231217619","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231217619","url":null,"abstract":"Research has shown that deliberative mini-publics have the potential to mitigate some of the deficiencies of contemporary representative democracy. To this end, mini-publics are becoming increasingly connected to other institutions of the democratic system so that their outputs can be transmitted to policy-makers. This article argues that the literature has underappreciated that mini-publics’ outputs are not simply transmitted from one institution to another. Instead, the transmission of outputs from mini-publics to other sites in the democratic system is always mediated by representation, which necessarily transforms outputs to some extent. The article identifies the following three main reasons for this: mini-publics’ representatives must interpret, perform, and negotiate outputs. Drawing on a least-likely case-study of Agora’s representation of the Brussels Citizens’ Assembly, it illustrates how these issues are pervasive even when representatives are primarily interested in the literal and faithful transmission of mini-publics’ outputs. The findings highlight how representatives struggle with representing mini-publics’ outputs.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138960475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-19DOI: 10.1177/14789299231217876
Claudiu Crăciun, Andrei Țăranu
In December 2020, Romania held elections for its new Parliament amid the pandemic crisis. The voter turnout was historically low, at 31.84%. The Alliance for the Union of Romanians, a new party, won 9% of the vote, making it the fourth largest party in the Parliament. Having received only 0.29% of the votes in the local elections held 2 months prior, Alliance for the Union of Romanians’ success was unexpected. To explain this outcome, we analyse its programmatic choices, political strategy and symbolic and electoral geographies. The pandemic crisis allowed the consolidation of a nationalist and conservative constituency originating in the 2018 constitutional referendum to ban same-sex marriages. Romania’s example shows that a nationalist-conservative radical party can become viable if extra-political groups, networks and organisations are willing to lend significant local support to it.
{"title":"AUR – The Electoral Geography of Romanian Conservative Nationalism","authors":"Claudiu Crăciun, Andrei Țăranu","doi":"10.1177/14789299231217876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231217876","url":null,"abstract":"In December 2020, Romania held elections for its new Parliament amid the pandemic crisis. The voter turnout was historically low, at 31.84%. The Alliance for the Union of Romanians, a new party, won 9% of the vote, making it the fourth largest party in the Parliament. Having received only 0.29% of the votes in the local elections held 2 months prior, Alliance for the Union of Romanians’ success was unexpected. To explain this outcome, we analyse its programmatic choices, political strategy and symbolic and electoral geographies. The pandemic crisis allowed the consolidation of a nationalist and conservative constituency originating in the 2018 constitutional referendum to ban same-sex marriages. Romania’s example shows that a nationalist-conservative radical party can become viable if extra-political groups, networks and organisations are willing to lend significant local support to it.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138961957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-14DOI: 10.1177/14789299231217193
M. Ibsen
This article argues that rising economic inequality and the decline in political trust across Western countries have systematic normative implications for Western governments’ pursuit of climate justice. The article argues that it is an essential but neglected task of nonideal political theory to identify political feasibility constraints on the pursuit of climate justice and reflect on how to overcome them. The article identifies two feasibility constraints in contemporary Western countries, the inequality constraint and the legitimation constraint, as important elements of a nonideal theory of climate justice. It argues that the French Gilets Jaunes (yellow vests) movement arose as a form of bottom-up motivational resistance to President Macron’s decarbonization policies, precisely because those policies did not take sufficient heed of the inequality and legitimation constraints. Furthermore, the article sketches elements of a roadmap for a feasible pathway for Western governments to decarbonize and observe their citizens’ duties of climate justice and argues that the framework of feasibility constraints offers a coherent, novel and urgent rationale for adopting redistributive measures such as the Carbon Fee and Dividend and participatory-democratic measures such as Citizen Assemblies as component parts of a feasible pathway to a decarbonized economy.
{"title":"Climate Justice and Political Feasibility","authors":"M. Ibsen","doi":"10.1177/14789299231217193","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231217193","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that rising economic inequality and the decline in political trust across Western countries have systematic normative implications for Western governments’ pursuit of climate justice. The article argues that it is an essential but neglected task of nonideal political theory to identify political feasibility constraints on the pursuit of climate justice and reflect on how to overcome them. The article identifies two feasibility constraints in contemporary Western countries, the inequality constraint and the legitimation constraint, as important elements of a nonideal theory of climate justice. It argues that the French Gilets Jaunes (yellow vests) movement arose as a form of bottom-up motivational resistance to President Macron’s decarbonization policies, precisely because those policies did not take sufficient heed of the inequality and legitimation constraints. Furthermore, the article sketches elements of a roadmap for a feasible pathway for Western governments to decarbonize and observe their citizens’ duties of climate justice and argues that the framework of feasibility constraints offers a coherent, novel and urgent rationale for adopting redistributive measures such as the Carbon Fee and Dividend and participatory-democratic measures such as Citizen Assemblies as component parts of a feasible pathway to a decarbonized economy.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138971970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-08DOI: 10.1177/14789299231217637
Mansour AlMuaili
{"title":"Commissioned Book Review: Swati Srivastava, Hybrid Sovereignty in World Politics: Cambridge Studies in International Relations","authors":"Mansour AlMuaili","doi":"10.1177/14789299231217637","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231217637","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138589432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-06DOI: 10.1177/14789299231217650
Adam John Koper
{"title":"Commissioned Book Review: Clare Birchall and Peter Knight, Conspiracy Theories in the Time of Covid-19","authors":"Adam John Koper","doi":"10.1177/14789299231217650","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231217650","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138595186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-02DOI: 10.1177/14789299231212165
R. Muirhead, Nancy Rosenblum
Conspiracy seems to be everywhere, and not only in the United States, where the “rigged election” conspiracy led a US president to reverse the results of a national election. We consider what is distinctive about contemporary conspiracism and argue that the prevalence of fact-free conspiratorial narratives marks a shift from what Hofstadter called the “pedantic” style of conspiracy theory. We show how conspiracism today threatens democratic institutions and sketch how the articles in this volume (on conspiracism) advance our understanding of conspiracy and democracy.
{"title":"Conspiracy Everywhere","authors":"R. Muirhead, Nancy Rosenblum","doi":"10.1177/14789299231212165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231212165","url":null,"abstract":"Conspiracy seems to be everywhere, and not only in the United States, where the “rigged election” conspiracy led a US president to reverse the results of a national election. We consider what is distinctive about contemporary conspiracism and argue that the prevalence of fact-free conspiratorial narratives marks a shift from what Hofstadter called the “pedantic” style of conspiracy theory. We show how conspiracism today threatens democratic institutions and sketch how the articles in this volume (on conspiracism) advance our understanding of conspiracy and democracy.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138606994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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