Pub Date : 2024-03-05DOI: 10.1177/14789299241232624
José Miguel Cabezas, Patricio D. Navia, Sebastián Rivera
Previous literature argues that macroeconomic conditions and economic news impact socio-tropic assessments. Others find that ideological identification or ideological affinity with the government impact socio-tropic economic views. Here, we test the moderating effect of ideological identification on how economic growth and economic news shape economic perceptions. We test this hypothesis using a dataset that combines monthly polls in Chile (2014–2018), economic news, and economic growth indicators. We find that ideological affinity with the government intensifies the positive impact of good macroeconomic indicators on current and prospective perceptions and, surprisingly, induces more positive current perceptions when negative economic news increases. In turn, ideological affinity with the government is associated with a slightly negative impact of good macroeconomic indicators on current (but not prospective) economic perceptions and a negative impact of negative economic news on current and prospective perceptions. Ideology moderates the effect of macroeconomic indicators and economic news on economic perceptions.
{"title":"The Moderating Effect of Ideological Identification on How Economic News and Economic Growth Impact Individual Economic Perceptions: Evidence From Chile","authors":"José Miguel Cabezas, Patricio D. Navia, Sebastián Rivera","doi":"10.1177/14789299241232624","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299241232624","url":null,"abstract":"Previous literature argues that macroeconomic conditions and economic news impact socio-tropic assessments. Others find that ideological identification or ideological affinity with the government impact socio-tropic economic views. Here, we test the moderating effect of ideological identification on how economic growth and economic news shape economic perceptions. We test this hypothesis using a dataset that combines monthly polls in Chile (2014–2018), economic news, and economic growth indicators. We find that ideological affinity with the government intensifies the positive impact of good macroeconomic indicators on current and prospective perceptions and, surprisingly, induces more positive current perceptions when negative economic news increases. In turn, ideological affinity with the government is associated with a slightly negative impact of good macroeconomic indicators on current (but not prospective) economic perceptions and a negative impact of negative economic news on current and prospective perceptions. Ideology moderates the effect of macroeconomic indicators and economic news on economic perceptions.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140078875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-27DOI: 10.1177/14789299241231771
Gianfranco Baldini
Once considered an anomaly for its polarized pluralism, then marked, over the last three decades, by frequent alternations between populist and technocratic governments, Italy is now the only country in Western Europe whose coalition government is led by a party usually classified in the populist radical right family, Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia). While this means that the country has finally its first female Prime Minister, understanding the trajectory of the party is important not just for the state of Italian politics but also for comparative politics more in general. Taking stock of the recent literature on Meloni’s party, it appears that the choices made by the Fratelli d’Italia – in Italy and in Europe – can resonate beyond the national borders especially in terms of illiberal ideologies and practices of right-wing parties.
{"title":"From ‘Anomaly’ to ‘Laboratory’? Fratelli d’Italia, Illiberalism and the Study of Right-Wing Parties in Western Europe","authors":"Gianfranco Baldini","doi":"10.1177/14789299241231771","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299241231771","url":null,"abstract":"Once considered an anomaly for its polarized pluralism, then marked, over the last three decades, by frequent alternations between populist and technocratic governments, Italy is now the only country in Western Europe whose coalition government is led by a party usually classified in the populist radical right family, Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia). While this means that the country has finally its first female Prime Minister, understanding the trajectory of the party is important not just for the state of Italian politics but also for comparative politics more in general. Taking stock of the recent literature on Meloni’s party, it appears that the choices made by the Fratelli d’Italia – in Italy and in Europe – can resonate beyond the national borders especially in terms of illiberal ideologies and practices of right-wing parties.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140426158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-26DOI: 10.1177/14789299241231782
Nahshon Perez
Developments in contemporary analytic political theory have called for political theory to situate itself near political science, to pay attention to political institutions, to follow the research output of the social sciences, and to present sensitivity to method. This empirical and methodological turn has brought about a debate regarding the form and desirability of such empirically grounded political theory. We aim, first, to clarify what the empirical turn in political theory implies for research in political theory. We shall situate such empirically grounded political theory in contemporary analytic political theory, in contemporary analytic political theory’s descriptive and prescriptive steps, and also examine how this turn complements contemporary analytic political theory’s evaluative step. Second, to suggest a defense of this empirical development, as if properly understood, it would assist empirically grounded contemporary analytic political theory to achieve its own stated goals. Third, to provide a template for a research design in empirical contemporary analytic political theory.
{"title":"Empirical Political Theory: A Template for a Research Design and a Qualified Defense","authors":"Nahshon Perez","doi":"10.1177/14789299241231782","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299241231782","url":null,"abstract":"Developments in contemporary analytic political theory have called for political theory to situate itself near political science, to pay attention to political institutions, to follow the research output of the social sciences, and to present sensitivity to method. This empirical and methodological turn has brought about a debate regarding the form and desirability of such empirically grounded political theory. We aim, first, to clarify what the empirical turn in political theory implies for research in political theory. We shall situate such empirically grounded political theory in contemporary analytic political theory, in contemporary analytic political theory’s descriptive and prescriptive steps, and also examine how this turn complements contemporary analytic political theory’s evaluative step. Second, to suggest a defense of this empirical development, as if properly understood, it would assist empirically grounded contemporary analytic political theory to achieve its own stated goals. Third, to provide a template for a research design in empirical contemporary analytic political theory.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140429435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-17DOI: 10.1177/14789299241229404
Chun-chih Chang, Yang Zeng, Xuyi Guo
Under what conditions might authoritarian states adapt public policies to social preferences? How could social actors push the window for policy change? How might state–society interactions induce policy change as the practice of authoritarian adaptation? This article utilizes a new database of case evidence and the qualitative comparative analysis method to explore the relationship between state–society interaction and policy change as the practical manifestation of authoritarian adaptation in China. The study presents three approaches to policy change: state–society interactive strategies, policy entrepreneurs and the political opportunity structure. The empirical results reveal three patterns of state–society interaction leading to policy change, while submission is not a viable option for society under state suppression. Media presence may impede policy change, and the diverse functions of social organizations should be related to interactive strategies. In addition, social actors may identify political opportunities through multiround interaction, while the role of joint administration in effecting policy change remains unclear. This study offers a novel understanding of authoritarian adaptation.
{"title":"Pathways to Authoritarian Adaptation: How State–Society Interactions Push the Window of Policy Change in China","authors":"Chun-chih Chang, Yang Zeng, Xuyi Guo","doi":"10.1177/14789299241229404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299241229404","url":null,"abstract":"Under what conditions might authoritarian states adapt public policies to social preferences? How could social actors push the window for policy change? How might state–society interactions induce policy change as the practice of authoritarian adaptation? This article utilizes a new database of case evidence and the qualitative comparative analysis method to explore the relationship between state–society interaction and policy change as the practical manifestation of authoritarian adaptation in China. The study presents three approaches to policy change: state–society interactive strategies, policy entrepreneurs and the political opportunity structure. The empirical results reveal three patterns of state–society interaction leading to policy change, while submission is not a viable option for society under state suppression. Media presence may impede policy change, and the diverse functions of social organizations should be related to interactive strategies. In addition, social actors may identify political opportunities through multiround interaction, while the role of joint administration in effecting policy change remains unclear. This study offers a novel understanding of authoritarian adaptation.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139960494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-09DOI: 10.1177/14789299231220535
Charlotte Fiedler, Hugo Marcos-Marné, Karina Mross
The COVID-19 pandemic has reinvigorated debates about the drivers of political trust. Research so far has mainly focused on national-level institutions, during the early stages of the pandemic and using data from established democracies. However, how does this relationship look like if we pay attention to subnational institutions in non-consolidated democracies, and further away from the initial COVID-19 outbreak? To contribute to this line of research, this article focuses on the local level and explores the association between individuals’ satisfaction with COVID-19 performance and political trust in Nepal. For that, it uses novel data collected via telephone interviews (N = 1400) conducted between 25 April and 24 May 2021, during the second wave of COVID-19. Our main results reveal that satisfaction with local institutions’ COVID-related performance is significantly and robustly associated with levels of political trust at the local level. The association holds even when geographical and time specifications are added, trust towards national institutions or expectations about local governments are included in the analysis and the dependent variable is disaggregated to discard measurement biases. The study thereby provides important insights into the role performance plays for institutional trust beyond the national level and in an unconsolidated democracy.
{"title":"COVID-19 and Political Trust in Local Governments: Evidence From Nepal","authors":"Charlotte Fiedler, Hugo Marcos-Marné, Karina Mross","doi":"10.1177/14789299231220535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231220535","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic has reinvigorated debates about the drivers of political trust. Research so far has mainly focused on national-level institutions, during the early stages of the pandemic and using data from established democracies. However, how does this relationship look like if we pay attention to subnational institutions in non-consolidated democracies, and further away from the initial COVID-19 outbreak? To contribute to this line of research, this article focuses on the local level and explores the association between individuals’ satisfaction with COVID-19 performance and political trust in Nepal. For that, it uses novel data collected via telephone interviews (N = 1400) conducted between 25 April and 24 May 2021, during the second wave of COVID-19. Our main results reveal that satisfaction with local institutions’ COVID-related performance is significantly and robustly associated with levels of political trust at the local level. The association holds even when geographical and time specifications are added, trust towards national institutions or expectations about local governments are included in the analysis and the dependent variable is disaggregated to discard measurement biases. The study thereby provides important insights into the role performance plays for institutional trust beyond the national level and in an unconsolidated democracy.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139790143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-09DOI: 10.1177/14789299231220535
Charlotte Fiedler, Hugo Marcos-Marné, Karina Mross
The COVID-19 pandemic has reinvigorated debates about the drivers of political trust. Research so far has mainly focused on national-level institutions, during the early stages of the pandemic and using data from established democracies. However, how does this relationship look like if we pay attention to subnational institutions in non-consolidated democracies, and further away from the initial COVID-19 outbreak? To contribute to this line of research, this article focuses on the local level and explores the association between individuals’ satisfaction with COVID-19 performance and political trust in Nepal. For that, it uses novel data collected via telephone interviews (N = 1400) conducted between 25 April and 24 May 2021, during the second wave of COVID-19. Our main results reveal that satisfaction with local institutions’ COVID-related performance is significantly and robustly associated with levels of political trust at the local level. The association holds even when geographical and time specifications are added, trust towards national institutions or expectations about local governments are included in the analysis and the dependent variable is disaggregated to discard measurement biases. The study thereby provides important insights into the role performance plays for institutional trust beyond the national level and in an unconsolidated democracy.
{"title":"COVID-19 and Political Trust in Local Governments: Evidence From Nepal","authors":"Charlotte Fiedler, Hugo Marcos-Marné, Karina Mross","doi":"10.1177/14789299231220535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231220535","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic has reinvigorated debates about the drivers of political trust. Research so far has mainly focused on national-level institutions, during the early stages of the pandemic and using data from established democracies. However, how does this relationship look like if we pay attention to subnational institutions in non-consolidated democracies, and further away from the initial COVID-19 outbreak? To contribute to this line of research, this article focuses on the local level and explores the association between individuals’ satisfaction with COVID-19 performance and political trust in Nepal. For that, it uses novel data collected via telephone interviews (N = 1400) conducted between 25 April and 24 May 2021, during the second wave of COVID-19. Our main results reveal that satisfaction with local institutions’ COVID-related performance is significantly and robustly associated with levels of political trust at the local level. The association holds even when geographical and time specifications are added, trust towards national institutions or expectations about local governments are included in the analysis and the dependent variable is disaggregated to discard measurement biases. The study thereby provides important insights into the role performance plays for institutional trust beyond the national level and in an unconsolidated democracy.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139850078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-06DOI: 10.1177/14789299241228097
Ildiko Otova
This analysis contextualises Bulgarian Euroscepticism by a spatial-temporal approach. Historical-geographical overlays have their temporal continuities across political regimes, and the location determines the political process. The attitude towards Russia has been crucial in shaping the political system of Bulgaria. The superimposition of factors such as historical and cultural ties, close relationships at the individual level, and economic ties, determined also by geopolitical sites, explain the attitudes towards Russia in Bulgarian society. This analysis does not fit explicitly in any of the familiar Eurosceptic typologies. However, it proposes a typologisation of Bulgarian populism and uses it to locate Bulgarian Euroscepticism along the Europe–Russia axis, demonstrating the importance of historical and geographical contexts or temporal overlaps and locations to the understanding of the national specificities of Euroscepticism.
{"title":"Bulgarian Populist Euroscepticism: The Unavoidable Russian Dimension","authors":"Ildiko Otova","doi":"10.1177/14789299241228097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299241228097","url":null,"abstract":"This analysis contextualises Bulgarian Euroscepticism by a spatial-temporal approach. Historical-geographical overlays have their temporal continuities across political regimes, and the location determines the political process. The attitude towards Russia has been crucial in shaping the political system of Bulgaria. The superimposition of factors such as historical and cultural ties, close relationships at the individual level, and economic ties, determined also by geopolitical sites, explain the attitudes towards Russia in Bulgarian society. This analysis does not fit explicitly in any of the familiar Eurosceptic typologies. However, it proposes a typologisation of Bulgarian populism and uses it to locate Bulgarian Euroscepticism along the Europe–Russia axis, demonstrating the importance of historical and geographical contexts or temporal overlaps and locations to the understanding of the national specificities of Euroscepticism.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139860810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-06DOI: 10.1177/14789299241228097
Ildiko Otova
This analysis contextualises Bulgarian Euroscepticism by a spatial-temporal approach. Historical-geographical overlays have their temporal continuities across political regimes, and the location determines the political process. The attitude towards Russia has been crucial in shaping the political system of Bulgaria. The superimposition of factors such as historical and cultural ties, close relationships at the individual level, and economic ties, determined also by geopolitical sites, explain the attitudes towards Russia in Bulgarian society. This analysis does not fit explicitly in any of the familiar Eurosceptic typologies. However, it proposes a typologisation of Bulgarian populism and uses it to locate Bulgarian Euroscepticism along the Europe–Russia axis, demonstrating the importance of historical and geographical contexts or temporal overlaps and locations to the understanding of the national specificities of Euroscepticism.
{"title":"Bulgarian Populist Euroscepticism: The Unavoidable Russian Dimension","authors":"Ildiko Otova","doi":"10.1177/14789299241228097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299241228097","url":null,"abstract":"This analysis contextualises Bulgarian Euroscepticism by a spatial-temporal approach. Historical-geographical overlays have their temporal continuities across political regimes, and the location determines the political process. The attitude towards Russia has been crucial in shaping the political system of Bulgaria. The superimposition of factors such as historical and cultural ties, close relationships at the individual level, and economic ties, determined also by geopolitical sites, explain the attitudes towards Russia in Bulgarian society. This analysis does not fit explicitly in any of the familiar Eurosceptic typologies. However, it proposes a typologisation of Bulgarian populism and uses it to locate Bulgarian Euroscepticism along the Europe–Russia axis, demonstrating the importance of historical and geographical contexts or temporal overlaps and locations to the understanding of the national specificities of Euroscepticism.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139801107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-05DOI: 10.1177/14789299241226614
J. Hoye, Gustaf Hednäs, Michael Rowland, Umang Sodhi, Jarosław Kantorowicz
Activist groups debate the complex connection between climate change and migration but generally agree on the normative value of describing those migrants as “environmental refugees.” They argue that using such a term, even though unrecognized under international law, might increase the urgency of this issue in the eyes of the public. Does the term do the normative work that has been assumed? To our knowledge, the idea has not been subject to empirical confirmation. In this research note, we present data from two experimental surveys conducted in the UK and the Netherlands (N = 2261) directly addressing that question. The findings significantly undermine the assumption that “environmental refugee” is normatively persuasive outside activists and academic circles. We demonstrate that using “environmental refugees” frames compared to “environmental migrants” does not increase the urgency of the climate migration problem in the eyes of the public, and as our results show, such frames may slightly lower perceptions of urgency. Yet, this result is rather negligible.
{"title":"On the Term “Environmental Refugee”: Normative Assumptions and Empirical Realities","authors":"J. Hoye, Gustaf Hednäs, Michael Rowland, Umang Sodhi, Jarosław Kantorowicz","doi":"10.1177/14789299241226614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299241226614","url":null,"abstract":"Activist groups debate the complex connection between climate change and migration but generally agree on the normative value of describing those migrants as “environmental refugees.” They argue that using such a term, even though unrecognized under international law, might increase the urgency of this issue in the eyes of the public. Does the term do the normative work that has been assumed? To our knowledge, the idea has not been subject to empirical confirmation. In this research note, we present data from two experimental surveys conducted in the UK and the Netherlands (N = 2261) directly addressing that question. The findings significantly undermine the assumption that “environmental refugee” is normatively persuasive outside activists and academic circles. We demonstrate that using “environmental refugees” frames compared to “environmental migrants” does not increase the urgency of the climate migration problem in the eyes of the public, and as our results show, such frames may slightly lower perceptions of urgency. Yet, this result is rather negligible.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139805586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-05DOI: 10.1177/14789299241226614
J. Hoye, Gustaf Hednäs, Michael Rowland, Umang Sodhi, Jarosław Kantorowicz
Activist groups debate the complex connection between climate change and migration but generally agree on the normative value of describing those migrants as “environmental refugees.” They argue that using such a term, even though unrecognized under international law, might increase the urgency of this issue in the eyes of the public. Does the term do the normative work that has been assumed? To our knowledge, the idea has not been subject to empirical confirmation. In this research note, we present data from two experimental surveys conducted in the UK and the Netherlands (N = 2261) directly addressing that question. The findings significantly undermine the assumption that “environmental refugee” is normatively persuasive outside activists and academic circles. We demonstrate that using “environmental refugees” frames compared to “environmental migrants” does not increase the urgency of the climate migration problem in the eyes of the public, and as our results show, such frames may slightly lower perceptions of urgency. Yet, this result is rather negligible.
{"title":"On the Term “Environmental Refugee”: Normative Assumptions and Empirical Realities","authors":"J. Hoye, Gustaf Hednäs, Michael Rowland, Umang Sodhi, Jarosław Kantorowicz","doi":"10.1177/14789299241226614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299241226614","url":null,"abstract":"Activist groups debate the complex connection between climate change and migration but generally agree on the normative value of describing those migrants as “environmental refugees.” They argue that using such a term, even though unrecognized under international law, might increase the urgency of this issue in the eyes of the public. Does the term do the normative work that has been assumed? To our knowledge, the idea has not been subject to empirical confirmation. In this research note, we present data from two experimental surveys conducted in the UK and the Netherlands (N = 2261) directly addressing that question. The findings significantly undermine the assumption that “environmental refugee” is normatively persuasive outside activists and academic circles. We demonstrate that using “environmental refugees” frames compared to “environmental migrants” does not increase the urgency of the climate migration problem in the eyes of the public, and as our results show, such frames may slightly lower perceptions of urgency. Yet, this result is rather negligible.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139865674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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