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Commissioned Book Review: Herman Cappelen, The Concept of Democracy: An Essay on Conceptual Amelioration and Abandonment 特约书评:赫尔曼-卡佩伦,《民主的概念》:关于概念改进和放弃的论文
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-13 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241259582
Pablo Magaña
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引用次数: 1
More Electoral Competition Without More Voter Participation: Quasi-Experimental Test of a Term Limit Reform in Ecuador 更多选举竞争却没有更多选民参与:厄瓜多尔任期限制改革的准实验测试
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-05 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241254204
Karel Kouba
Term limits are theoretically expected to boost voter participation which has been confirmed by multiple empirical examinations. This study uses a robust causal assessment within the difference-in-differences framework to evaluate this hypothesis. It leverages an exogenous 2018 term limit reform in Ecuador which prohibited some, but not all, incumbent mayors from running in elections. Contrary to expectations, the results indicate null findings: the adoption of term limits has neither increased turnout, nor depressed the casting of blank and spoiled ballots (alternative indicators of voter engagement under compulsory voting). This is puzzling given that the reform impacted the electoral competition by significantly increasing the number of mayoral candidates in the newly open-seat contests. Two possible solutions to the puzzle of the null findings are presented with implications for understanding the scope conditions for the effect of term limits on voter participation.
从理论上讲,任期限制有望提高选民参与度,这一点已被多项实证研究证实。本研究在差异框架内使用稳健因果评估来评估这一假设。它利用了厄瓜多尔 2018 年的外生任期限制改革,该改革禁止部分(而非全部)现任市长参选。与预期相反,结果显示为空:任期限制的采用既没有提高投票率,也没有减少空白票和废票的投出(强制投票下选民参与度的替代指标)。这一点令人费解,因为在新开放的席位竞争中,市长候选人的数量大幅增加,从而影响了选举竞争。本文提出了两个可能的解决方案来解决无效结论的难题,这对理解任期限制对选民参与度影响的范围条件具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Hans Kundnani, Eurowhiteness: Culture, Empire and Race in the European Project 特约书评:Hans Kundnani,Eurowhiteness:欧洲项目中的文化、帝国与种族
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-05 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241259585
Simge Pelit
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Julius Maximilian Rogenhofar, Decisiveness and Fear of Disorder: Political Decision-Making in Times of Crisis 特约书评:朱利叶斯-马克西米利安-罗根霍法尔,《果断与对混乱的恐惧》:危机时期的政治决策
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-05 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241259587
Hong Yu Liu
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Edward Ashbee, Countering China: US Responses to the Belt and Road Initiative 特约书评:爱德华-阿什比,《反击中国》:美国对 "一带一路 "倡议的回应
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-02 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241258633
Nizhoni Dawn Becenti
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Alexander Baturo and Jos Elkink, The New Kremlinology: Understanding Regime Personalization in Russia, Comparative Politics 特约书评:Alexander Baturo 和 Jos Elkink,《新克里姆林宫学》:理解俄罗斯的政权个性化,《比较政治学
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-02 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241258627
Hanjing Wang
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引用次数: 0
Commissioned Book Review: Nadiia Koval and Denys Tereshchenko, Russian Cultural Diplomacy Under Putin: Rossotrudnichestvo, the ‘Russkiy Mir’ Foundation, and the Gorchakov Fund in 2007–2022 特约书评:Nadiia Koval 和 Denys Tereshchenko,《普京领导下的俄罗斯文化外交》:普京领导下的俄罗斯文化外交:Rossotrudnichestvo、"俄罗斯之镜 "基金会和 2007-2022 年戈尔恰科夫基金
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-20 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241254203
T. Romashko
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引用次数: 0
Economic Hardship and Welfare Policy Preferences: What Can the COVID-19 Pandemic Tell Us? 经济困难与福利政策偏好:COVID-19 大流行说明了什么?
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241252386
Ida Bastiaens, Celeste Beesley
We explore how individual perceptions of the nature of economic hardships correlate with preferences over different types of welfare state responses (i.e. universal or means-tested, temporary or permanent, cash transfers and medical services) in a U.S. survey. We utilize differing public opinion about the length of the COVID-19 pandemic’s economic disruptions and whether it causes nationwide economic instability or unevenly affects the population. Respondents who view the pandemic’s economic hardship as temporary should be less likely to support permanent welfare policies and, due to costs, those who view the pandemic as having targeted effects should be less likely to support universal programs. Unexpectedly, our findings indicate that if Americans believe the effects are temporary, they are less supportive of any new program. If Americans believe that the pandemic’s effects are targeted, they are, as expected, less supportive of universal programs, but are also less likely to support doing nothing, indicating that equity concerns may influence preferences. Patterns of support are very similar for services and transfers.
我们在美国的一项调查中探讨了个人对经济困难性质的看法如何与对不同类型福利国家应对措施(即普遍或经济情况调查、临时或永久、现金转移和医疗服务)的偏好相关联。我们利用了公众对 COVID-19 大流行病经济破坏的持续时间以及它是否会导致全国经济不稳定或对人口造成不均衡影响的不同看法。认为大流行病造成的经济困难是暂时性的受访者应该不太可能支持永久性福利政策,而由于成本原因,认为大流行病具有针对性影响的受访者应该不太可能支持普遍性项目。出乎意料的是,我们的研究结果表明,如果美国人认为影响是暂时的,那么他们对任何新计划的支持度都会降低。如果美国人认为大流行病的影响是有针对性的,那么正如预期的那样,他们对全民计划的支持度较低,但也不太可能支持什么都不做,这表明公平问题可能会影响人们的偏好。服务和转移支付的支持模式非常相似。
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Aid, Violence, and Electoral Support in Developing Countries: Experimental Evidence From the Philippines 发展中国家的外国援助、暴力和选举支持:菲律宾的实验证据
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241249136
Jun Young Han
Election-related violence is rampant in many developing countries that receive foreign aid. However, it is not well understood why voters often elect representatives who are associated with such violence. In this article, I investigate why voters might support politicians who resort to violence. I argue that the poor tend to vote for candidates who deliver tangible local benefits through foreign aid projects even when those candidates use violence during election periods. To support this argument, I conducted a nationwide survey in the Philippines that included an experiment about the effects of foreign aid and violence on voters’ electoral support for a candidate. I find that poor voters who reside in a region where basic public goods and services are deficient are more likely to support a candidate whose district has received foreign aid, regardless of her alleged electoral violence. This research sheds light on a mechanism that links poverty to electoral violence in less developed countries. It also reveals an unintended consequence of foreign aid: increasing the likelihood of electoral violence.
在许多接受外国援助的发展中国家,与选举有关的暴力行为十分猖獗。然而,人们并不十分清楚为什么选民往往会选举那些与暴力有关的代表。在本文中,我将探讨选民为何会支持诉诸暴力的政客。我认为,穷人倾向于投票给那些通过外援项目为当地带来切实利益的候选人,即使这些候选人在选举期间使用暴力。为了支持这一论点,我在菲律宾进行了一项全国范围的调查,其中包括一项关于外援和暴力对选民选举支持候选人的影响的实验。我发现,居住在基本公共产品和服务缺乏地区的贫困选民更有可能支持其选区接受过外国援助的候选人,无论她是否涉嫌选举暴力。这项研究揭示了欠发达国家贫困与选举暴力之间的关联机制。它还揭示了外援的一个意外后果:增加选举暴力的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Small Opposition Parties in a Westminster System: How Did the COVID-19 Pandemic Affect Participation, Decision-Making and Oversight in the UK House of Commons? 威斯敏斯特制度中的小型反对党:COVID-19 大流行如何影响英国下议院的参与、决策和监督?
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1177/14789299241249590
Louise Thompson, Alexandra Meakin
Opposition parties are a key feature of parliamentary democracies, but their participation rights differ markedly. In the UK House of Commons, the institutional operation of the Westminster model facilitates a marked distinction between the rights afforded to the Official Opposition party compared to smaller opposition parties. During times of crisis, these Westminster model dynamics can shift, impacting opposition rights. This article uses a case study of the COVID-19 pandemic to assess institutional inequalities across opposition party groups. Drawing on an analysis of over 4000 contributions to parliamentary debates and interviews with MPs, we examine the pandemic’s impact on the roles of opposition parties beyond the Official Opposition. We find that the pandemic initially generated unprecedented cooperation between the government and small opposition parties but that this was short-lived. In the long term, the pandemic exacerbated existing institutional barriers and the size and geographical concentration of small opposition parties in the devolved nations brought disproportionate participation and oversight barriers. This suggests the need to guarantee formal opposition rights within Westminster systems beyond the Official Opposition party to ensure that all political parties have the capacity to carry out their functions during times of crisis.
反对党是议会民主的一个重要特征,但其参与权却有明显差异。在英国下议院,威斯敏斯特模式的制度运作使得官方反对党与较小的反对党在权利上有明显区别。在危机时期,这些威斯敏斯特模式的动态变化会影响反对党的权利。本文通过对 COVID-19 大流行的案例研究来评估反对党团体之间的制度不平等。通过分析议会辩论中的 4000 多篇发言和对国会议员的访谈,我们研究了大流行病对官方反对党之外的反对党角色的影响。我们发现,大流行病最初促成了政府与小型反对党之间前所未有的合作,但这种合作是短暂的。从长远来看,大流行病加剧了现有的体制障碍,而权力下放国家中的小型反对党的规模和地理集中性带来了不成比例的参与和监督障碍。这表明有必要在威斯敏斯特制度中保障除最大反对党之外的正式反对党权利,以确保所有政党在危机时期都有能力履行其职能。
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引用次数: 0
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Political Studies Review
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