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Andrew Fitzmaurice, King Leopold’s Ghostwriter: The Creation of Persons and States in the Nineteenth Century, Princeton University Press, 2021, 592pp, ISBN: 9780691148694, $39.95 安德鲁·菲茨莫里斯:《利奥波德国王的代笔人:19世纪人与国家的创造》,普林斯顿大学出版社,2021年,592页,ISBN: 9780691148694, 39.95美元
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156523000584
Matilde Cazzola
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引用次数: 0
Chien-Huei Wu, Law and Politics on Export Restrictions: WTO and Beyond, Cambridge University Press, 2021, ISBN 9781108953566 (e-pub), doi:10.1017/9781108953566 吴建慧,《出口限制的法律与政治:WTO及以后》,剑桥大学出版社,2021,ISBN 9781108953566(电子pub), doi:10.1017/9781108953566
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156523000626
Vasyl Chornyi
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引用次数: 0
Between commodification and data protection: Regulatory models governing cross-border information transfers in regional trade agreements 在商品化和数据保护之间:区域贸易协定中管理跨境信息转移的监管模式
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1017/s092215652300050x
Magdalena Słok-Wódkowska, Joanna Mazur
Abstract The subject of this analysis is the role that regional trade agreements (RTAs) play in balancing between personal data commodification and protection of privacy and personal data, approached from the perspective of Karl Polanyi’s theory of double movement. We analyse provisions on cross-border information transfers and data protection in order to establish the models for balancing between the ideas of personal data commodification and social protection, understood as allowing for the use of measures that ensure privacy and personal data protection. Our analysis indicates that there are two general models concerning the liberalization of cross-border information transfers: one model restricts states’ ability to restrict data flows while the other is more open to such measures. Next, we identify three primary models governing how data protection is treated in the agreements that liberalize data flows: one that is based on the inclusion of substantive standards of protection in the content of the given agreement; one that uses international standards as a proxy for establishing certain level of protection; and one that is based on national data protection laws. Combining identified models of liberalizing data flows with identified models of ensuring data protection allows us to show that the inclusion of seemingly similar provisions on cross-border data transfers in various RTAs has resulted in developing several different models for balancing between commodification of personal data and data protection.
本文从波兰尼的双重运动理论出发,探讨区域贸易协定在平衡个人数据商品化与隐私和个人数据保护之间的作用。我们分析了关于跨境信息传输和数据保护的条款,以建立个人数据商品化和社会保护之间的平衡模型,理解为允许使用确保隐私和个人数据保护的措施。我们的分析表明,有两种关于跨境信息传输自由化的一般模型:一种模型限制了国家限制数据流动的能力,而另一种模型对此类措施更为开放。接下来,我们确定了三种主要模型,用于指导数据流自由化协议中如何对待数据保护:一种模型基于在给定协议的内容中包含实质性保护标准;一种使用国际标准作为建立一定程度保护的代理;一个是基于国家数据保护法的。将已确定的放开数据流动的模型与已确定的确保数据保护的模型结合起来,我们可以表明,在各种区域贸易协定中纳入关于跨境数据传输的看似相似的规定,导致了在个人数据商品化和数据保护之间取得平衡的几种不同模型的发展。
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引用次数: 0
States as bystanders of legal change: Alternative paths for the human rights to water and sanitation in international law 作为法律变革旁观者的国家:在国际法中实现享有水和卫生设施的人权的其他途径
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156523000535
Nina Reiners
Abstract This article argues for international legal change in human rights as a consequence of a states-as-bystander effect: When states do neither actively drive nor block change processes, and alternative state-empowered authorities exist in a legal field, states’ position at the sidelines opens a path for non-state actors to enact substantive change. In human rights law, this is a process they route through General Comments, a powerful instrument of the human rights treaty bodies to set, expand, and redefine standards for global human rights. This article bears its core argument of a states-as-bystander effect by taking a single norm, the necessity of water for human life, and tracing its change process from non-existent in human rights law, to a non-right, to a condition for other rights, and, finally, to the recognition of water and sanitation as independent rights at the international level. Ultimately, the analysis shows that non-actors can enact change to law, and do so, on the heels of states’ relegation to the periphery of the human rights system. This opened the door for certain actors – transnational coalitions of expert body members, human rights advocates and issue professionals – to use General Comments in a way that not only impacts international legal change but can also withstand state opposition.
本文认为,国际人权法律变革是国家作为旁观者效应的结果:当国家既不积极推动也不阻止变革进程,而法律领域存在其他国家授权的权威机构时,国家的旁观地位为非国家行为体实施实质性变革开辟了一条道路。在人权法中,这是通过一般性意见这一人权条约机构制定、扩大和重新定义全球人权标准的有力工具来实现的。本文围绕“国家作为旁观者效应”这一核心论点,以人类生活中水的必要性这一单一规范为切入点,追溯其从人权法中不存在、到非权利、再到其他权利的条件,最后到在国际层面上承认水和卫生设施是独立权利的变化过程。最终,分析表明,非行为者可以在国家被降级为人权体系的边缘之后,对法律进行修改,并这样做。这为某些行为者——由专家机构成员、人权倡导者和问题专业人员组成的跨国联盟——打开了大门,使他们能够利用一般性意见,不仅影响国际法律变革,而且能够经受住国家的反对。
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引用次数: 0
Leaning from the steep slope: On coherence in response to Professor Jean d’Aspremont 从陡坡上倾斜:论对让·阿斯普雷蒙特教授的回应的连贯性
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156523000511
James Gerard Devaney
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此内容没有摘要。当您可以访问此内容时,该页上会提供完整的HTML内容。此内容的PDF也可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得。
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引用次数: 0
Protection of LGBTQIA+ rights in armed conflict: How (and whether) to ‘queer’ the crime against humanity of persecution in international criminal law? 武装冲突中LGBTQIA+权利的保护:如何(以及是否)将国际刑法中的迫害罪“酷”化?
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156523000523
Aneta Peretko
Abstract The discrimination faced every day by LGBTQIA+ individuals does not disappear during armed conflict. On the contrary, such persons have been, and continue to be, targeted for particularly heinous human rights violations due to their sexual orientation and/or gender identity. And while international human rights law has, in the last two decades, made significant leaps in prohibiting discrimination on these grounds, international criminal law lags behind. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court only criminalizes persecution, an extreme form of discrimination, on grounds of gender and other grounds universally recognized in international law rather than on grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity. In the absence of clear textual criminalization of queer persecution, this article argues international law can be queerly reinterpreted to fit sexual orientation and gender identity into the confines of ‘gender’. However, while acknowledging the normative and expressive gains that could come from using international criminal law to pursue queer persecution, this article also notes the costs, including the flattening of queer discrimination into the narrow rubric of gender and suppressing its more radical principles. Therefore, while concluding international criminal law can be queerly reinterpreted, this article expresses doubts as to whether, in fact, it should.
LGBTQIA+群体每天面临的歧视并没有在武装冲突中消失。相反,这些人由于其性倾向和/或性别认同而一直并继续成为特别令人发指的侵犯人权行为的目标。虽然国际人权法在过去二十年中在禁止基于这些理由的歧视方面取得了重大飞跃,但国际刑法却落后了。《国际刑事法院罗马规约》只将基于性别和国际法普遍承认的其他理由而不是基于性取向或性别认同的迫害定为刑事犯罪,这是一种极端形式的歧视。在没有明确的文本将迫害酷儿定为刑事犯罪的情况下,本文认为国际法可以被奇怪地重新解释,以使性取向和性别认同符合“性别”的范围。然而,在承认利用国际刑法对酷儿进行迫害可能带来规范和表达上的好处的同时,本文也指出了代价,包括将酷儿歧视扁平化为狭隘的性别范畴,并压制了其更激进的原则。因此,虽然结论是国际刑法可以奇怪地重新解释,但本条对事实上是否应该重新解释表示怀疑。
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引用次数: 0
The dark legacy of Nuremberg: Inhumane air warfare, judicial desuetudo and the demise of the principle of distinction in International Humanitarian Law 纽伦堡的黑暗遗产:不人道的空战、司法不公和国际人道主义法中区别原则的消亡
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156523000377
Jochen von Bernstorff, Enno L. Mensching
Abstract On its seventy-fifth anniversary last year, the Nuremberg war crime trials moved again into the spotlight of public attention. To the present day, Nuremberg is mainly portrayed as the birth of international criminal law being the first tribunal that held individuals accountable for war crimes committed during the Second World War. As we argue in this article, there is an often-overseen dark legacy of Nuremberg as it represents an unused opportunity to establish accountability for inhumane military practices, especially in air warfare, being of tragic influence for the postwar development of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) as a whole. Going beyond the existing criticism already voiced on Nuremberg’s shortcomings, we hold that the Tribunal’s reluctance to prosecute bombing practices sowed the seeds for the decay of IHL by creating institutionalized silences, especially for massive violations of the principle of distinction. The tribunal thereby sidelined pre-war IHL and infected the development of post-war IHL by retroactively legitimating the bombing practices of the Axis powers and at least indirectly of the Allies. We argue that the failure to prosecute ‘total war’-practices and reestablish former restrictive legal structures regarding aerial bombardment has fundamentally eroded the pre-war meaning of the principle of distinction leading to its downfall in the First Additional Protocol to the Geneva Convention of 1977. We describe these developments as a form of judicial desuetudo, meaning the abrogation of a rule through its subsequent non-enforcement by an international court during and after massive law violations because of perceived or real political constraints.
去年是纽伦堡战争罪审判的75周年纪念日,它再次成为公众关注的焦点。直到今天,纽伦堡主要被描述为国际刑法的诞生,是第一个对第二次世界大战期间犯下战争罪行的个人负责的法庭。正如我们在本文中所论述的那样,纽伦堡的黑暗遗产往往被忽视,因为它代表了一个未被利用的机会,可以对非人道的军事行为,特别是在空战中,建立问责制,对整个国际人道法的战后发展产生悲剧性影响。除了对纽伦堡审判缺陷的现有批评之外,我们认为,法庭不愿起诉轰炸行为,造成了制度化的沉默,特别是对大规模违反区分原则的行为,从而为国际人道法的衰败埋下了种子。我们认为,未能起诉“全面战争”行为并重新建立以前关于空中轰炸的限制性法律结构,从根本上削弱了区分原则的战前含义,导致其在1977年《日内瓦公约第一附加议定书》中崩溃。我们把这些事态发展描述为一种形式的司法剥夺,意思是在大规模违反法律期间和之后,由于感觉到的或实际的政治限制,国际法院随后不执行一项规则,从而废除一项规则。
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引用次数: 0
The ‘imbroglio’ of ecocide: A political economic analysis 生态灭绝的“纠葛”:政治经济分析
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-26 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156523000468
Eliana Cusato, Emily Jones
Abstract In this article we adopt a political economic lens to analyse the revival of the concept of ecocide in present international legal scholarship and practice. The current campaign to codify the crime of ecocide under international criminal law represents the epitome of a problem-solving approach, which conceives of the law as external to society and as a corrective to its evils. Yet, a large body of critical literature has drawn attention to the constitutive role of international law and to the problems with its depoliticized approach when it comes to tackling global injustices. We build upon this diverse scholarship to illuminate how the technical, acontextual, and ahistorical legal debate on the codification of ecocide ends up normalizing the violent structures of extractive capitalism and its hierarchies. Further, we situate the proposed crime within the wider context of how international law regulates and constitutes the natural world. Drawing on critiques of sustainable development and of business and human rights discourse, we argue that the ‘imbroglio’ of ecocide, in its current legal definition, lies in presenting ecological preservation and devastation as simultaneously legitimate aims. The article ultimately raises the question of the role of international law in progressive political agendas, a question that could not be more pressing in times of entangled socio-ecological-economic disruptions.
摘要本文从政治经济学的角度分析生态灭绝概念在当前国际法律学术和实践中的复兴。目前将生态灭绝罪编入国际刑法的运动代表了一种解决问题的方法的缩影,这种方法认为法律是社会之外的,是对其罪恶的纠正。然而,大量的批评文献已经提请人们注意国际法的构成作用以及在处理全球不公正问题时其非政治化方法的问题。我们以这些不同的学术成果为基础,阐明关于生态灭绝编纂的技术、背景和非历史的法律辩论是如何最终使掠夺性资本主义及其等级制度的暴力结构正常化的。此外,我们将拟议的罪行置于国际法如何规范和构成自然世界的更广泛背景中。根据对可持续发展以及商业和人权话语的批评,我们认为生态灭绝的“混乱”,在其当前的法律定义中,在于将生态保护和破坏同时作为合法目标。这篇文章最终提出了国际法在进步政治议程中的作用问题,在社会生态经济混乱的时代,这个问题是最紧迫的。
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引用次数: 0
Legal technologies: Conceptualizing the legacy of the 1923 Hague Rules of Aerial Warfare 法律技术:对1923年《海牙空战规则》遗产的概念化
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156523000493
Christiane Wilke, Helyeh Doutaghi
Abstract Many contemporary armed conflicts are shaped by the reliance on airstrikes using traditional fighter planes or remotely piloted drones. As accounts of civilian casualties from airstrikes abound, the ethics and legality of individual airstrikes and broader targeting practices remain contested. Yet these concerns and debates are not new. In fact, a key attempt to regulate aerial warfare was made 100 years ago. In this article, we approach the regulation of aerial warfare through an examination of the 1923 Hague Draft Rules of Aerial Warfare and the contemporary scholarly discussion of these rules. While the Draft Rules have never been converted into a treaty, they embody logics of thinking about civilians, technologies of aerial warfare, and targeting that are still resonating in contemporary discussions of aerial warfare. This article argues for a contextualized understanding of the Draft Rules as an attempt to adapt International Humanitarian Law (IHL) to the new technological realities while maintaining distinctions between different kinds of spaces and non-combatants. We argue that the Draft Rules prefigure later debates about the legality of aerial bombing by tacitly operating with a narrow understanding of the civilian and by offering a range of excuses and justifications for bombing civilians.
当代许多武装冲突都依赖于传统战斗机或遥控无人机进行空袭。尽管关于空袭造成平民伤亡的报道比比皆是,但个别空袭和更广泛的瞄准行动的道德和合法性仍存在争议。然而,这些担忧和争论并不新鲜。事实上,规制空战的关键尝试早在100年前就有了。在本文中,我们通过对1923年海牙空战规则草案的审查和当代对这些规则的学术讨论来接近空战的规则。虽然《规则草案》从未被转化为条约,但它们体现了对平民、空战技术和目标的思考逻辑,这些逻辑仍在当代空战讨论中引起共鸣。本文主张将《规则草案》的背景化理解为使国际人道法适应新的技术现实,同时保持不同类型空间和非战斗人员之间的区别。我们认为,《规则草案》通过对平民的狭隘理解和为轰炸平民提供一系列借口和理由,为后来关于空中轰炸合法性的辩论做了铺垫。
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引用次数: 0
The chivalric pursuit of coherence in international law 对国际法一致性的骑士式追求
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156523000481
Jean d’Aspremont
An abstract is not available for this content. As you have access to this content, full HTML content is provided on this page. A PDF of this content is also available in through the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容没有摘要。当您可以访问此内容时,该页上会提供完整的HTML内容。此内容的PDF也可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得。
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引用次数: 0
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Leiden Journal of International Law
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