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Imperialism through adjudication in Latin America – ERRATUM 拉丁美洲的帝国主义裁决——ERRATUM
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156522000723
J. Uriburu
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引用次数: 0
Social memory and the impact of commemorative remedies ordered by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights 社会记忆和美洲人权法院下令采取的纪念补救措施的影响
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0922156522000681
Moshe Hirsch, Milad A. Said Barguil
Abstract Social memory studies start from the premise that people acquire their memories not only through individual means, but through social processes as well. Social groups often provide materials for memory, and prod individuals into recalling particular events. One of the distinctive differences between the practice of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) concerns memory-related remedies. While the IACtHR quite frequently orders respondent states to commemorate grave violations of human rights (including the construction of monuments), the ECtHR has refrained from granting such commemorative remedies. Some organizations representing victims have called upon additional tribunals to embrace the IACtHR’s remedial approach to address grave breaches of international law. Drawing on social memory scholarship, this study is aimed at empirically assessing the impact of four sites of memory in Colombia established by order of the IACtHR. The study’s findings suggest that international tribunals alone cannot shape collective memories that are inconsistent with sociocultural features characterizing the local society. On the other hand, judicially-ordered sites of memory are meaningful for the victims’ families and small-scale social units. These findings turn our attention to micro-level sociological perspectives, and particularly to the symbolic-interactionist approach to international law, highlighting the vital symbolic role of international tribunals for individuals and small social units. The valuable role of such memorial sites for the victims’ relatives and related communities suggests that international tribunals addressing grave human rights violations should consider granting commemorative remedies.
摘要社会记忆研究的前提是,人们不仅通过个人手段获得记忆,还通过社会过程获得记忆。社会团体经常提供记忆材料,并促使个人回忆起特定的事件。美洲人权法院(IACtHR)和欧洲人权法院(ECtHR)的做法之间的一个显著差异涉及记忆相关的补救措施。虽然IACtHR经常命令被调查国纪念严重侵犯人权的行为(包括建造纪念碑),但ECtHR没有给予此类纪念补救措施。一些代表受害者的组织呼吁更多的法庭接受IACtHR的补救方法,以解决严重违反国际法的行为。本研究借鉴社会记忆学术,旨在实证评估IACtHR命令在哥伦比亚建立的四个记忆位点的影响。研究结果表明,仅靠国际法庭无法塑造与当地社会社会文化特征不一致的集体记忆。另一方面,司法命令的记忆场所对受害者的家庭和小规模的社会单位来说是有意义的。这些发现将我们的注意力转向微观层面的社会学视角,特别是国际法的象征互动主义方法,突出了国际法庭对个人和小型社会单位的重要象征作用。这些纪念场所对受害者亲属和相关社区的宝贵作用表明,处理严重侵犯人权行为的国际法庭应考虑给予纪念补救。
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引用次数: 0
Self-determination in territorial disputes before the International Court of Justice: From rhetoric to reality? 国际法院审理的领土争端中的自决:从言论到现实?
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-11-29 DOI: 10.1017/S0922156522000620
Yusra Suedi
Abstract In its jurisprudence, the ICJ has developed a hierarchy of sources it will rely on to resolve territorial disputes: it prioritizes a boundary treaty between the state litigants, followed by agreements between the states’ colonial predecessors, and finally state litigants’ actions displaying their authority over the disputed territory. The Court’s practice therefore leaves no room for local populations to contribute to boundary-making decisions. Given the status self-determination holds in international law today, and the repercussions possibly faced by such populations in certain territorial disputes, there is cause to consider that the desires of local populations should be considered in the Court’s legal reasoning. This article first unpacks the reasons that self-determination is not brought up by state litigants on one hand, nor by the Court on the other hand. It notes that self-determination is only rhetorically addressed by states if buttressing their interests. It therefore attempts to reconcile self-determination with territorial disputes, suggesting how peoples’ desires may be factored into the Court’s approach.
摘要在其判例中,国际法院制定了一个解决领土争端所依赖的来源层次:它优先考虑国家诉讼当事人之间的边界条约,然后是国家殖民地前任之间的协议,最后是国家诉讼当事人在争议领土上展示其权威的行为。因此,法院的做法没有给当地居民留下为边界决定作出贡献的余地。鉴于自决在当今国际法中的地位,以及这些人民在某些领土争端中可能面临的影响,有理由认为,法院的法律推理应考虑到当地人民的愿望。本文首先阐述了自决权不是由国家诉讼当事人提出的,也不是由法院提出的。它指出,只有在支持国家利益的情况下,国家才能口头上解决自决问题。因此,它试图调和自决与领土争端,表明如何将人民的愿望纳入法院的做法。
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引用次数: 0
Regionalism as development: The Lomé Conventions I and II (1975–1985) 作为发展的地区主义:《洛美第一公约》和《洛美第二公约》(1975年至1985年)
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1017/S092215652200067X
Rafael Lima Sakr
Abstract Lomé Conventions I (1975) and II (1979) were the first regional trade agreements (RTAs) between the European Community (EC) and the group of postcolonial countries in Africa, the Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP). Specialized scholarship offers rich analyses of those Conventions; however, little is known about the role of law and lawyers in their making, and their relevance for present-day debates about RTAs. This article advances existing knowledge in two ways. First, it historicizes the more visible role of law in constituting Lomé as a legal regime for governing EC-ACP regionalism. It then argues that the Conventions were distinct from existing RTAs due to their unique centrality on social and economic development; and from present-day RTAs, because they were conceived not simply as instrumental to but also as constitutive of development. Second, by historicizing the less visible role of law and lawyers in the Lomé regime, the article identifies that a specialist conception of South-North RTAs was refined to govern which ideas, projects, norms, and institutions were applicable to Lomé. This distinct conception – called the development framework – was critical in creating the conditions of possibility for decision-makers negotiate, interpret, and manage the Conventions. Those findings challenge conventional wisdom on two grounds. They suggest that Lomé was unique not for embodying a new model but for consolidating the development framework’s dominance. They contest present-day understanding of RTAs as textual manifestations of a universal concept by demonstrating the existence of competing conceptions, which express distinct notions of RTAs’ purpose, content, and form.
《lom公约I》(1975年)和《lom公约II》(1979年)是欧洲共同体(EC)与非洲、加勒比和太平洋地区后殖民国家集团(ACP)之间的第一批区域贸易协定(rta)。专门的学术研究对这些公约提供了丰富的分析;然而,关于法律和律师在其制定过程中的作用,以及它们与当今关于区域贸易协定的辩论的相关性,人们知之甚少。本文从两个方面推进了现有知识。首先,它将法律在将lom作为管理欧共体-非加太区域主义的法律制度方面发挥的更为明显的作用历史化。然后,它认为这些公约不同于现有的区域贸易协定,因为它们在社会和经济发展方面具有独特的中心地位;而不是今天的区域贸易协定,因为它们不仅被认为是发展的工具,而且是发展的组成部分。其次,通过将法律和律师在lomoise制度中不太明显的作用历史化,本文确定了南北区域贸易协定的专家概念被提炼出来,以管理哪些想法、项目、规范和制度适用于lomoise。这一独特的概念- -称为发展框架- -在为决策者谈判、解释和管理《公约》创造可能的条件方面至关重要。这些发现从两个方面挑战了传统观念。他们认为,lomoise的独特之处不是体现了一种新的模式,而是巩固了发展框架的主导地位。他们通过展示竞争概念的存在,对rta作为普遍概念的文本表现的当今理解提出异议,这些概念表达了rta的目的、内容和形式的不同概念。
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引用次数: 0
State responsibility in relation to military applications of artificial intelligence 国家在人工智能军事应用方面的责任
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0922156522000607
B. Boutin
Abstract This article explores the conditions and modalities under which a state can incur responsibility in relation to violations of international law involving military applications of artificial intelligence (AI) technologies. While the question of how to attribute and allocate responsibility for wrongful conduct is one of the central contemporary challenges of AI, the perspective of state responsibility under international law remains relatively underexplored. Moreover, most scholarly and policy debates have focused on questions raised by autonomous weapons systems (AWS), without paying significant attention to issues raised by other potential applications of AI in the military domain. This article provides a comprehensive analysis of state responsibility in relation to military AI. It discusses state responsibility for the wrongful use of AI-enabled military technologies and the question of attribution of conduct, as well as state responsibility prior to deployment, for failure to ensure compliance of AI systems with international law at the stages of development or acquisition. Further, it analyses derived state responsibility, which may arise in relation to the conduct of other states or private actors.
摘要本文探讨了国家在涉及人工智能技术军事应用的违反国际法行为中可能承担责任的条件和方式。虽然如何认定和分配不法行为的责任是人工智能面临的当代核心挑战之一,但国际法下的国家责任视角仍相对未得到充分探索。此外,大多数学术和政策辩论都集中在自主武器系统(AWS)提出的问题上,而没有注意到人工智能在军事领域的其他潜在应用所提出的问题。本文对与军事人工智能有关的国家责任进行了全面分析。它讨论了国家对错误使用人工智能军事技术的责任,行为归属问题,以及部署前未能确保人工智能系统在开发或采购阶段遵守国际法的国家责任。此外,它还分析了衍生的国家责任,这可能与其他国家或私人行为者的行为有关。
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引用次数: 3
Imperialism through adjudication in Latin America 拉丁美洲的帝国主义
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-11-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0922156522000644
J. Uriburu
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引用次数: 1
Gender at the LJIL LJIL的性别
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-11-09 DOI: 10.1017/S0922156522000693
Paula Baldini Miranda da Cruz
1. ‘Is there a Problem? What is it?’ Those were the questions raised in our June 2021 Board meeting. At that point in time, our Editorial Board had been – like the rest of the world – grappling with more than a year of the COVID-19 pandemic. Feeling the effects of being suddenly forced to work from home and struggling with care-giving duties, we were concerned with the effects of the pandemic on LJIL authors, especially women.1 In particular, a few of us had the impression from their daily editorial work that there had been a drop in the number of submissions made by women. As an academic journal that aims to provide a platform for new and diverse voices as a way of contributing to the development of international legal debate,2 we hoped that this perceived decline in women’s submissions would prove illusory, or if not that, temporary; and also that our processes and peer-review practices were not only effective in selecting excellent articles, but also fair and non-discriminatory. We therefore set out to determine empirically whether our suspicions were real by going through LJIL data. The first step was to establish data on gender distribution of the LJIL authorship and how our peer-review and decision-making processes could be improved to foster a more diverse publication. In this editorial, I present, on behalf of the LJIL Board, the results of what was initially envisioned as an internal study on the presence of women in LJIL. Our main goal was to determine the share of men and women in LJIL submissions and published articles over time. Collecting the data served a twofold purpose: (i) data on publications shows us LJIL’s current state of affairs in terms of gender representation while (ii) data on submissions help us identify how our current processes for submission and peer-review shape this state of affairs. Before explaining the study and our conclusions, we must draw attention to two points. The first relates to limitations in our study. The results presented below are based on a binary division of gender between men and women that is outdated. Although we do not subscribe to this binary, the limited resources and available information unfortunately did not allow us to ascertain further than the binomial ‘men-women’. Those same limitations have also prevented us from examining the effects of intersectional markers such as ethnicity, race, religion, and other identity markers.
1.“有问题吗?这是什么?”这些都是我们在2021年6月的董事会会议上提出的问题。当时,我们的编辑委员会与世界其他地方一样,一直在努力应对一年多的新冠肺炎大流行。感受到突然被迫在家工作和照顾职责的影响,我们担心疫情对LJIL作者,尤其是女性的影响。1特别是,我们中的一些人从他们的日常编辑工作中得到的印象是,女性提交的稿件数量有所下降。作为一份旨在为新的和多样化的声音提供平台的学术期刊,作为促进国际法律辩论发展的一种方式,2我们希望,女性提交材料的这种下降将被证明是虚幻的,或者如果不是暂时的话;此外,我们的流程和同行评审实践不仅有效地选择了优秀的文章,而且是公平和非歧视的。因此,我们开始通过查阅LJIL的数据,从经验上确定我们的怀疑是否属实。第一步是建立关于LJIL作者性别分布的数据,以及如何改进我们的同行评审和决策过程,以促进出版更加多样化。在这篇社论中,我代表解放党董事会介绍了最初设想的关于妇女在解放党存在的内部研究的结果。我们的主要目标是确定随着时间的推移,男性和女性在LJIL提交和发表的文章中所占的比例。收集数据有两个目的:(i)出版物数据向我们展示了LJIL在性别代表性方面的现状,而(ii)提交材料数据有助于我们确定我们当前的提交和同行评审流程如何影响这种现状。在解释这项研究和我们的结论之前,我们必须注意两点。第一个与我们研究的局限性有关。以下结果是基于过时的男女性别二元划分得出的。尽管我们不认同这种二元性,但不幸的是,有限的资源和可用的信息使我们无法进一步确定“男性-女性”这一二项式。同样的局限性也使我们无法研究交叉标记的影响,如种族、种族、宗教和其他身份标记。
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引用次数: 0
LJL volume 35 issue 4 Cover and Front matter LJL第35卷第4期封面和封面问题
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156522000656
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引用次数: 0
Does international law prohibit the facilitation of money laundering? 国际法是否禁止为洗钱提供便利?
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0922156522000619
A. Moiseienko
Abstract There is a broad political consensus that states must not facilitate money laundering, especially as relates to the proceeds of foreign grand corruption. Over the past 30 years, an elaborate regulatory regime has been put in place in most countries to ensure that proceeds of crime are interdicted and confiscated. It rests on the technically non-binding recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force, an influential intergovernmental grouping. Despite this progress and the adoption of international treaties against corruption and organized crime, international law contains no express treaty rule that enjoins states from facilitating money laundering. Furthermore, there are formidable legal and practical obstacles to invoking international legal responsibility of states that do choose to benefit from enabling money laundering. This article explores the disconnect between international law as it stands and the widely accepted political imperative that states must not facilitate money laundering. It argues in favour of recognizing a self-standing customary rule to that effect, and outlines the content and likely impact of such a rule.
摘要广泛的政治共识是,各国不得为洗钱提供便利,尤其是与外国大规模腐败所得有关的洗钱。在过去的30年里,大多数国家都建立了完善的监管制度,以确保犯罪所得被拦截和没收。它以金融行动特别工作组的技术上不具约束力的建议为基础,该工作组是一个有影响力的政府间组织。尽管取得了这些进展,并通过了打击腐败和有组织犯罪的国际条约,但国际法没有明确的条约规则禁止各国为洗钱提供便利。此外,在援引那些确实选择从促成洗钱中获益的国家的国际法律责任方面,存在着巨大的法律和实际障碍。本文探讨了现行国际法与各国不得为洗钱提供便利这一被广泛接受的政治义务之间的脱节。它主张承认一项独立的习惯规则,并概述了这一规则的内容和可能产生的影响。
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引用次数: 1
LJL volume 35 issue 4 Cover and Back matter LJL第35卷第4期封面和封底
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0922156522000668
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引用次数: 0
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Leiden Journal of International Law
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