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Canadian Journal of Development Studies-Revue Canadienne D Etudes Du Developpement最新文献

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Speeding up for a son in Turkey 为了在土耳其生个儿子而加速
IF 2.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-05 DOI: 10.1080/02255189.2022.2145273
Marie-Claire Robitaille, Yigit Aydede
ABSTRACT Son preference is known to influence fertility decisions, but very little is known about the prevalence of son preference in Turkey and its consequences for fertility behaviours. We use data from five waves of the Demographic and Health Survey and the Survey on Income and Living Conditions to show that son preference results in differential stopping behaviours and shorter birth spacing. Despite many public reforms promoting gender equality in Turkey, women and children are put at risk in the quest for a son. This result holds in all regions, in both urban and rural areas, and across the socio-economic spectrum.
众所周知,重男轻女会影响生育决策,但对土耳其重男轻女的普遍现象及其对生育行为的影响知之甚少。我们利用人口与健康调查和收入与生活条件调查的五波数据表明,重男轻女导致了不同的停止行为和更短的生育间隔。尽管土耳其进行了许多促进性别平等的公共改革,但妇女和儿童在寻求儿子的过程中仍处于危险之中。这一结果适用于所有区域,包括城市和农村地区,以及整个社会经济范围。
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引用次数: 0
I will live for both of us: a history of colonialism, uranium mining and Inuit resistance 我将为我们两个而活:殖民主义、铀矿开采和因纽特人抵抗的历史
IF 2.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-17 DOI: 10.1080/02255189.2022.2142935
R. Hall
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引用次数: 1
Expanding profit and power. The National Union of Road Transport Workers in Nigeria 扩大利润和权力。尼日利亚全国道路运输工人联盟
IF 2.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1080/02255189.2022.2132924
Laurent Fourchard
ABSTRACT This article explores the power exercised by the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) over the transport workers in Lagos (Nigeria). With the privatisation of transport and the regulation of motor parks transferred from local governments to NURTW, the union has been able to expand the power of unionist leaders who have developed new managerial techniques to increase their own profits. The NURTW case reflects the adaptation of neoliberal norms within a union at the expense of its workers. The article suggests that union power over workers is as necessary a field of research as the recent renewal on power resources approach exploring the capacity of unions to empower workers.
摘要本文探讨了拉各斯(尼日利亚)全国道路运输工人联盟(NURTW)对运输工人行使的权力。随着交通运输的私有化和汽车停车场的监管从地方政府转移到NURTW,工会得以扩大工会领导人的权力,他们开发了新的管理技术来增加自己的利润。NURTW的案例反映了工会内部以牺牲工人利益为代价的新自由主义规范的适应。这篇文章表明,工会对工人的权力与最近探索工会赋予工人权力的能力的权力资源更新方法一样,都是一个必要的研究领域。
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引用次数: 1
Les types de violences faites aux femmes et aux filles au Burkina Faso : vers des interventions sociojudiciaires prônant l’autonomisation individuelle et collective 布基纳法索针对妇女和女童的暴力类型:走向促进个人和集体赋权的社会司法干预
IF 2.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/02255189.2022.2112156
France Desjardins, Salmata Ouedraogo, Anastasie Amboulé Abath
RÉSUMÉ Au Burkina Faso, les violences faites aux femmes et aux filles sont omniprésentes. Les objectifs de cet article visent à comprendre les types de violences vécus par les femmes et les filles victimes de violences qui viennent consulter l’association Africa Agriculture Vision, un organisme communautaire, et à proposer un modèle d’intervention sociojuridique adapté favorable à l’empowerment individuel et collectif. L’analyse de 20 récits recueillis expose des violences de différentes natures. De ces types de violence vécus, les contributions de cet article sont le phénomène de la polyvictimisation et la proposition commune d’un modèle favorable à l’autonomisation des victimes.
在布基纳法索,针对妇女和女孩的暴力无处不在。本文的目的是了解遭受暴力的妇女和女孩所经历的暴力类型,这些妇女和女孩向非洲农业愿景(一个社区组织)咨询,并提出一种适合个人和集体赋权的社会法律干预模式。对收集到的20个故事的分析揭示了不同类型的暴力。在这些经历过的暴力类型中,本文的贡献是多重受害现象和一种有利于受害者赋权的模式的共同建议。
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引用次数: 0
The unions are the mines’ biggest partners, but they do not act like it: union ‘corruption’ and shareholder-primacy on Zambia’s copperbelt 工会是矿业最大的合作伙伴,但他们的行为并不像工会那样:工会的“腐败”和赞比亚铜带的股东至上
IF 2.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/02255189.2022.2128079
T. McNamara
ABSTRACT This article explores the dichotomous co-production of ‘corrupt unions’ and ‘shareholder-driven corporations’. It argues that discourses of Zambian union corruption convolved national political history, shifting moral economies and global responses to organised labour’s disempowerment; obfuscating the structural causes of low wages and under-development. Semiotically created in comparison to corrupt unions were shareholder-driven, economically rational corporations. In problematising the naturalisation of these actors’ economic choices, the article reconceptualises their actions through exploring negotiations over their responsibilities between workers, employers and the state. It argues that in these negotiations narratives of shareholder primacy and Corporate Social Responsibility emboldened claims for high profits, low wages and minimal tax takes; while a self-reinforcing perception of corruption lowered workers’ expectations of what could be achieved through collective action.
摘要本文探讨了“腐败工会”和“股东驱动型公司”的两分法合作生产。它认为,关于赞比亚工会腐败的论述涉及国家政治历史、道德经济的转变以及对有组织劳工权力被剥夺的全球反应;混淆低工资和欠发达的结构性原因。与腐败的工会相比,在符号上创造的是股东驱动的、经济上理性的公司。在将这些行为者的经济选择归化的问题中,文章通过探索工人、雇主和国家之间关于他们的责任的谈判,重新定义了他们的行为。它认为,在这些谈判中,股东至上和企业社会责任的说法,助长了对高利润、低工资和最低税收的要求;而自我强化的腐败观念降低了工人对通过集体行动可以实现的目标的期望。
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引用次数: 0
Labour unions under neoliberal authoritarianism in the Global South: the cases of Turkey and Egypt 全球南方新自由主义威权主义下的工会:以土耳其和埃及为例
IF 2.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-10 DOI: 10.1080/02255189.2022.2119945
Mehmet Erman Erol, Ç. Şahin
ABSTRACT This article analyses the trajectories of organised labour in times of neoliberalism in Turkey and Egypt and their current condition under securitised neoliberal-developmentalist regimes post-2013. Neoliberal experience in these countries was marked by continuing authoritarianism, challenging the view that economic liberalisation would lead to political democratisation. One of the most important areas of neoliberal restructuring has been labour markets. In order to achieve this, struggles over organised labour were of vital importance. Dismantling the power of dissident labour unions through coercive measures and containing other sections of organised labour through authoritarian corporatist relations has been crucial in these cases.
本文分析了土耳其和埃及在新自由主义时代组织劳工的发展轨迹,以及2013年后在新自由主义-发展主义政权下组织劳工的现状。这些国家的新自由主义经历以持续的威权主义为特征,挑战了经济自由化将导致政治民主化的观点。新自由主义重组的最重要领域之一是劳动力市场。为了实现这一目标,组织工人的斗争至关重要。在这些情况下,通过强制措施瓦解持不同政见的工会的权力,并通过专制的社团主义关系遏制有组织的劳工的其他部分,是至关重要的。
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引用次数: 2
Exports with equity? Land, income, and agrarian transition in Vietnam 股权出口?越南的土地、收入和农业转型
IF 2.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02255189.2022.2080191
Timothy Gorman
ABSTRACT This paper uses survey data from the Mekong River Delta region of Vietnam to explore the equity implications of export-oriented agrarian transitions in two communities, one engaged in intensive rice agriculture and the other shrimp farming. The data show that shrimp aquaculture has brought greater inequality in the distribution of land, while generating more employment and economic opportunity and creating a more equitable distribution of income than rice farming. This study suggests that processes of agrarian transition can shape social relations around land and labour in divergent ways, due to differences in the nature of export commodities and their production.
摘要本文利用越南湄公河三角洲地区的调查数据,探讨了两个社区(一个从事集约化水稻种植,另一个从事虾类养殖)的出口导向型农业转型对公平的影响。数据显示,与种植水稻相比,虾类养殖带来了更大的土地分配不平等,同时创造了更多的就业和经济机会,并创造了更公平的收入分配。这项研究表明,由于出口商品及其生产的性质不同,农业转型过程可以以不同的方式塑造围绕土地和劳动力的社会关系。
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引用次数: 0
La localisation de l’aide humanitaire : un chantier de recherche en pleine émergence* 人道主义援助本地化:一个新兴的研究项目*
IF 2.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02255189.2022.2140128
François Audet
Face aux menaces existentielles qui frappent l’humanité, l’action humanitaire est devenue l’un des principaux mécanismes des politiques publiques pour anticiper et protéger les populations. En effet, le vaste écosystème de la communauté de pratique des humanitaires et d’organisations non gouvernementales et internationales tentent, avec plus ou moins de succès, à anticiper les crises, et à fournir des services de protection aux populations. Mais l’humanitaire ne peut rester anachronique des débats qui transforment les sociétés. En effet, l’humanitaire évolue au rythme des débats et a été déstabilisé suite au phénomène #MeToo en 2018 (Riley 2021) ainsi qu’au mouvement Black Lives Matter au courant de l’été 2020 (Paige 2021). Ces débats auront confronté les travailleurs humanitaires au fait que les structures de pouvoir de l’aide sont fondamentalement asymétriques et coloniales, une dimension qui a été peu débattue auparavant (Paige 2021). Parallèlement, l’humanitaire a été aussi mise à rude épreuve ces dernières années avec les effets des changements climatiques (Tozier de la Poterie et al. 2022) qui frappent les régions pauvres comme riches, mettant sous tension un équilibre planétaire fragile, et forçant simultanément des opérations domestiques et internationales. C’est dans ce contexte que la pandémie de COVID-19 est survenue. Évidemment, les conséquences réelles de la pandémie dans le monde ne sont pas encore bien comprises et des années de recherche multidisciplinaire seront nécessaires pour en saisir les impacts, notamment sur les régions vulnérables en ce qui a trait à l’accès aux soins de santé et plus généralement dans l’exacerbation des écarts de richesse. Néanmoins, on sait déjà que la pandémie de COVID-19 aura largement augmenté le nombre de crises humanitaires et de personnes touchées. En effet, la pandémie a aggravé les crises existantes, mais a aussi été un vecteur significatif de besoins humanitaires dans plusieurs autres pays. Avec la fermeture soudaine des frontières, l’accès humanitaire a été paralysé, et les populations en déplacement se sont souvent heurtées à des barrières et ne pouvaient quitter des régions où elles sont menacées. Les données recueillies dans le plus récent rapport du Global Humanitarian Assistance Report 2021 démontrent que plus de 243 millions de personnes vivant dans 75 pays ont des besoins humanitaires urgents, en comparaison avec 225 millions dans 65 pays en 2019. Une
面对人类面临的生存威胁,人道主义行动已成为预测和保护人民的主要公共政策机制之一。事实上,人道主义工作者、非政府组织和国际组织的广泛生态系统试图预测危机并向人民提供保护服务,但或多或少取得了成功。但是,在改变社会的辩论中,人道主义不能仍然是不合时宜的。事实上,人道主义运动随着辩论的节奏而发展,并在2018年的#MeToo现象(Riley 2021)和2020年夏季的“黑人的命也是命”运动(Paige 2021)之后变得不稳定。这些辩论将使援助工作者面对这样一个事实,即援助的权力结构基本上是不对称的和殖民的,这一点以前很少被讨论(Paige 2021)。与此同时,近年来,人道主义工作也受到气候变化影响的严峻考验(Tozier de la Poterie et al. 2022),气候变化既影响富裕地区,也影响贫穷地区,给脆弱的全球平衡带来压力,同时迫使国内和国际行动。正是在这种背景下,COVID-19大流行发生了。当然,全世界的流行造成的实际后果尚不清楚理解和仍需多年的多学科研究,抓住影响,特别是对脆弱地区。这涉及到医疗准入和更普遍地在加剧的贫富差距。然而,我们已经知道,COVID-19大流行将大大增加人道主义危机和受影响的人数。事实上,这一流行病加剧了现有的危机,但它也是其他几个国家人道主义需求的重要来源。随着边界的突然关闭,人道主义通道陷入瘫痪,流动人口经常遇到障碍,无法离开他们受到威胁的地区。最新的《2021年全球人道主义援助报告》收集的数据显示,75个国家有超过2.43亿人有紧急人道主义需求,而2019年65个国家有2.25亿人有紧急人道主义需求。一个
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引用次数: 0
Neoliberalism in rural South America: political trends in peasant-led unionization (2000–2020) 南美农村的新自由主义:农民领导的工会化的政治趋势(2000-2020)
IF 2.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/02255189.2022.2117141
Oscar Soto, F. Martin
ABSTRACT This article asks to what extent the political mobilization promoted by peasant organizations in Argentina, Chile and Brazil can be inscribed in new forms of “peasant unionization.” Based on a qualitative and ethnographic approach to the organizational trajectory of the Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo-Vía Campesina (CLOC-VC), this paper seeks to provide theoretical and empirical contributions to the issue of rural trade unions in South America and peasants’ organization experiences over the last twenty years. The article concludes that the peasant movements of the CLOC-VC have created new institutional opportunities for union articulation and organization to better channel class interests in South America.
本文探讨了阿根廷、智利和巴西的农民组织所推动的政治动员在多大程度上可以被铭文在新的“农民工会化”形式中。基于对拉丁美洲Campo-Vía农民组织协调会(ccloc - vc)组织轨迹的定性和民族志方法,本文试图为过去二十年来南美农村工会问题和农民组织经验提供理论和实证贡献。文章的结论是,cclc - vc的农民运动为工会的衔接和组织创造了新的制度机会,以更好地引导南美的阶级利益。
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引用次数: 0
Financing green transformation in developing countries 为发展中国家绿色转型融资
IF 2.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/02255189.2022.2113767
A. Chowdhury, Mohammad Zulfan Tadjoeddin
ABSTRACT The prospects for external financing of green transformation and resilient post-COVID-19 recovery remain bleak for developing countries. The scope for mobilising substantial domestic resources is limited, while public-private partnerships and blended finance failed to mobilise promised finance. Borrowing from central banks remains the only viable option for financing green transformation. The conventional arguments against such borrowing, e.g. growth retarding acceleration inflation or macroeconomic instability do not have sound theoretical or empirical basis. However, democratic oversights are needed against fiscal abuse to ensure productive utilisation of borrowed funds. A high degree of coordination between fiscal and monetary authorities is also essential.
对发展中国家而言,绿色转型和疫情后韧性复苏的外部融资前景依然黯淡。调动大量国内资源的范围有限,而公私伙伴关系和混合融资未能调动承诺的资金。向央行借款仍然是绿色转型融资的唯一可行选择。反对此类借贷的传统论点,例如增长放缓、加速通胀或宏观经济不稳定,都没有可靠的理论或实证基础。然而,需要对财政滥用进行民主监督,以确保借来的资金得到有效利用。财政和货币当局之间的高度协调也是必不可少的。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Canadian Journal of Development Studies-Revue Canadienne D Etudes Du Developpement
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