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After 1776: Native Nations, Settler Colonialism, and the Meaning of America 1776年后:原住民、定居者殖民主义和美国的意义
IF 1.5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/14623528.2021.1968143
Jeffrey Ostler, K. Jacoby
On 2 November 2020, just hours before a slim majority of Americans rejected his presidency, Donald Trump issued an executive order establishing a “1776 Commission” designed to counter “one-sided an...
2020年11月2日,就在极少数美国人拒绝他的总统任期的几个小时前,唐纳德·特朗普发布了一项行政命令,成立了一个“1776委员会”,旨在对抗“单方面的。。。
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引用次数: 0
The Fifth International Crime: Reflections on the Definition of “Ecocide” 第五种国际犯罪:关于“生态灭绝”定义的思考
IF 1.5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/14623528.2021.1964688
L. Minkova
International criminal law has increasingly been seen as one of the tools that could be used to address environmental harm. In June 2021 a panel of independent experts made a major step in that dir...
国际刑法越来越被视为可以用来解决环境危害问题的工具之一。2021年6月,一个独立专家小组在这方面迈出了重要一步。。。
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引用次数: 6
In Memoriam: Eric Weitz 纪念:埃里克·韦茨
IF 1.5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.1080/14623528.2021.1958735
Sarah K. Danielsson
On 1 July 2021, Eric Weitz passed away after a battle with cancer. He was 68 years old. The fields of genocide studies and human rights have lost one of its most influential thinkers and prolific a...
2021年7月1日,埃里克·韦茨在与癌症作斗争后去世。他享年68岁。种族灭绝研究和人权领域失去了一位最有影响力的思想家和多产的学者。
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引用次数: 0
In the Aftermath: The Post-Conflict Social and Economic Consequences of Rescue During Genocide 战后:种族灭绝期间救援的冲突后社会和经济后果
IF 1.5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.1080/14623528.2021.1955445
Hollie Nyseth Brehm, Nicole Fox, Courtney DeRoche, Jamie D. Wise
ABSTRACT During the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, some individuals risked their lives to save others. While much research has analyzed why people rescue during genocide, no studies have systematically analyzed the post-conflict consequences of engaging in such actions. This article begins to fill this gap by treating rescue as a case of behavioural boundary crossing, or individual defection from the expectations of a behavioral script. We rely upon 45 in-depth interviews with Rwandan Hutu who rescued Tutsi and who also did not participate in genocidal violence. Our findings indicate that rescue may be tied to both positive and negative social and economic consequences, from gifts and public recognition to stigma and threats. We suggest that many of these consequences result from the fact that Hutu who rescued went against the expectations of their group. As the positive consequences were often driven by Tutsi and the negative consequences were driven by Hutu, we also suggest that such consequences are tied to fault lines between groups in Rwandan society. Our work consequently aligns with and extends previous research finding that the genocide produced, reinforced, and augmented social cleavages in Rwanda.
在1994年卢旺达种族灭绝事件中,一些人冒着生命危险拯救他人。虽然许多研究分析了为什么人们在种族灭绝期间进行救援,但没有研究系统地分析了参与此类行动的冲突后后果。本文开始填补这一空白,将救援视为行为边界跨越的案例,或个人对行为脚本期望的背叛。我们依靠对卢旺达胡图族人的45次深入采访,他们拯救了图西族人,也没有参与种族灭绝暴力。我们的研究结果表明,救助可能与积极和消极的社会和经济后果有关,从礼物和公众认可到耻辱和威胁。我们认为,许多这些后果是由于获救的胡图族人违背了他们群体的期望。由于积极的后果往往是由图西族造成的,而消极的后果往往是由胡图族造成的,我们还认为,这种后果与卢旺达社会各群体之间的断层线有关。因此,我们的工作与先前的研究发现一致并扩展了种族灭绝在卢旺达产生、加强和扩大了社会分裂。
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引用次数: 1
⁣⁣⁣⁣⁣⁣⁣A Rubbished World: White Supremacy’s Complicated Love Affair with Garbage 一个垃圾的世界:白人至上主义与垃圾的复杂爱情
IF 1.5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-09 DOI: 10.1080/14623528.2021.1950289
Anne Berg
ABSTRACT In this article I offer a comparative analysis of the relationship between waste and large-scale social crises. Drawing on the history of extremes, the history of Nazi Germany to be precise, I argue that garbage itself functions as a language of crisis that translates seemingly insurmountable social problems into questions of cleanup, upkeep and order. The encroachment of waste often inspires crisis rhetoric, yet it is almost always a symptom of larger, systemic malfunctions such as infrastructural breakdowns, political impasses, social disruptions, natural catastrophe, war or pandemics. In the context of the Nazi race war, an obsession with waste and recycling promised to clean up the mess of war, while hiding the ways in which waste management itself was central to the practices of both war and genocide. My discussion of the Nazi waste regime thus provides a frame for rethinking our own current crisis and its origins in the late 1960s through the prism of the “garbage crisis.”
本文对浪费与大规模社会危机之间的关系进行了比较分析。根据极端主义的历史,准确地说是纳粹德国的历史,我认为垃圾本身就是一种危机语言,它将看似无法克服的社会问题转化为清理、维护和秩序的问题。浪费的泛滥常常引发危机言论,但它几乎总是更大的系统性故障的征兆,如基础设施故障、政治僵局、社会混乱、自然灾害、战争或流行病。在纳粹种族战争的背景下,对废物和回收的痴迷有望清理战争的混乱,同时掩盖了废物管理本身对战争和种族灭绝行为的核心作用。因此,我对纳粹废物制度的讨论提供了一个框架,通过“垃圾危机”的棱镜,重新思考我们当前的危机及其在20世纪60年代末的起源。
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引用次数: 0
Making (In?)Visible: Selectivity, Visibility and Authenticity in Cambodia’s Sites of Atrocity (?)可见:柬埔寨暴行遗址的选择性、可见性和真实性
IF 1.5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-09 DOI: 10.1080/14623528.2021.1950284
Cheryl Lawther, R. Killean, Lauren Dempster
ABSTRACT This article examines victim representation in former atrocity sites in Cambodia. It concentrates on Tuol Sleng and Choeung Ek, two prominent sites for the detention and torture of suspected enemies of the Khmer Rouge (KR) regime and the subsequent creation of mass graves. These sites of trauma, memory, and transitional justice are inextricably linked to the experiences of victims. Yet, the voice of victims, their visibility, and authentic representations of the past are not always centred in Cambodia’s atrocity sites. Drawing on empirical fieldwork in Cambodia and an interdisciplinary literature, this article interrogates the intersections between selectivity, visibility, and authenticity in sites of atrocity associated with the Cambodian genocide. As this paper demonstrates, engaging with these themes of selectivity, visibility, and authenticity, and by extension issues of, for example, “who” is recognized as a victim, “how” responsibility for past horrors is represented, “which” sites become tourist facing attractions, and “why” certain narratives of the past are prioritized, is essential to recognizing the rights, humanity, and dignity of victims and survivors.
摘要本文考察了柬埔寨前暴行现场的受害者代表性。它集中在Tuol Sleng和Choeung Ek,这两个著名的地方关押和折磨红色高棉政权的可疑敌人,并随后建造了乱葬坑。这些创伤、记忆和过渡时期司法的场所与受害者的经历密不可分。然而,受害者的声音、他们的知名度和对过去的真实再现并不总是集中在柬埔寨的暴行现场。本文借鉴柬埔寨的实地调查和跨学科文献,探讨了与柬埔寨种族灭绝有关的暴行现场的选择性、可见性和真实性之间的交叉点。正如本文所表明的,参与这些选择性、可见性和真实性的主题,并通过扩展的问题,例如,“谁”被承认为受害者,“如何表达对过去恐怖的责任”,哪些“景点成为面向游客的景点,以及“为什么”对过去的某些叙述被优先考虑,对于承认这些权利至关重要,以及受害者和幸存者的尊严。
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引用次数: 0
Black Power, Aboriginal Genocide, and the Politics of Identity 黑人权力、原住民种族灭绝与身份政治
IF 1.5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-08 DOI: 10.1080/14623528.2021.1950288
Sally Ghattas
ABSTRACT In 1970, five Indigenous Australians petitioned the United Nations on behalf of the Aborigines Advancement League, charging the Australian Government with “genocide.” Rather than assessing the applicability of “genocide,” as a scholarly and legal concept, to Indigenous history, this article explores how these historical agents not only conceived of genocide, but how and why it was employed at this crucial moment in Aboriginal activist history. Taking the notion of discursive slippage as a source of generative change, it argues that the AAL’s claim to genocide was dependant on the rise of Aboriginal identity politics at the turn of the 1970s. The article suggests that this slippage between Indigenous identity politics and genocide generated notions of a collective psychological consciousness that encouraged the growth of radical Aboriginal politics. Methodologically, it treats these petitioners – and the range of activists and thinkers who are drawn into the web of our analysis – as intellectuals who conceived of genocide in a profoundly radical way to appeal to the global language of atrocity at the UN. The article draws primarily on archival material from the Office of Aboriginal Affairs, complemented by files from the Australian Security Intelligence Organization. Both archives have preserved material authored by the activists themselves, while opening a window into the state’s perception of them and the knowledge that they produced. The article also draws on concurrent writing and publishing, authored and published by Aboriginal peoples, to access their thinking in the flourishing intellectual context in which Aboriginal genocide discourse emerged. Reframing the traditional source base of intellectual history, this article positions the 1970 utterance of genocide as a profound insight into an emergent Indigenous intellectual history and global discourse around rights to demonstrate the rich Aboriginal stories and discourses held in colonial archives.
摘要1970年,五名澳大利亚土著代表土著进步联盟向联合国请愿,指控澳大利亚政府犯有“种族灭绝罪”。本文没有评估“种族灭绝”作为一个学术和法律概念对土著历史的适用性,而是探讨了这些历史代理人如何不仅认为种族灭绝,但在原住民活动家历史上的这个关键时刻,它是如何以及为什么被使用的。它将话语失误的概念视为生成性变化的来源,认为AAL对种族灭绝的主张取决于20世纪70年代初原住民身份政治的兴起。这篇文章表明,土著身份政治和种族灭绝之间的这种滑动产生了集体心理意识的概念,鼓励了激进的土著政治的发展。从方法论上讲,它将这些请愿者——以及被我们分析的一系列活动家和思想家——视为知识分子,他们以一种极其激进的方式构想种族灭绝,以诉诸联合国的全球暴行语言。这篇文章主要借鉴了原住民事务办公室的档案材料,并辅以澳大利亚安全情报组织的档案。这两个档案馆都保存了活动人士自己撰写的材料,同时为了解国家对他们的看法和他们所产生的知识打开了一扇窗户。这篇文章还借鉴了原住民创作和出版的同时进行的写作和出版,以了解他们在原住民种族灭绝话语出现的繁荣知识背景下的思考。本文重新定义了知识史的传统来源基础,将1970年的种族灭绝话语定位为对新兴的土著知识史和围绕权利的全球话语的深刻洞察,以展示殖民档案中丰富的土著故事和话语。
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引用次数: 1
Correction 修正
IF 1.5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14623528.2020.1851502
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引用次数: 0
Introduction 介绍
IF 1.5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14623528.2020.1847851
Ulrike Capdepón, A. Dirk Moses
A renewed interest in literature is gradually emerging in the foreign language curriculum as demonstrated in recent studies (e.g. Hall, 2015; Matos, 2012; Paran, 2010; Sell, 2005). The surge of research groups and new online tools on this topic, such as the Litinclass website (https://litinclass.wordpress.com/, Almeida, Puig, & Duarte, 2016) or the Literature in Language Learning and Teaching Research Network (https://lilltresearch.net/home/, Paran & Kirchhoff, 2019) testifies to the growing relevance of this pedagogical approach to the teaching and learning of foreign languages. Both recent scholarship and class practice provide evidence that reading literary texts helps students to develop their language skills, as “[l]iterature exposes students to complex themes and fresh, unexpected uses of language” (Lazar, 1993, p. 15). Moreover, “[a]t present, students who are extensive travellers demand a different approach to the cultural dimension” (Matos, 2012. p. 7); the study of literature in the language classroom provides these students with the intercultural skills that are increasingly necessary in the contemporary globalised world. As educators, we can employ the study of literature to prepare students for dealing with the complexity of a globalised world long after graduation.
最近的研究表明,外语课程中逐渐出现了对文学的新兴趣(例如,Hall,2015;Matos,2012;Paran,2010;Sell,2005)。关于这一主题的研究小组和新的在线工具激增,如Litinclass网站(https://litinclass.wordpress.com/,Almeida,Puig,&Duarte,2016)或语言学习与教学研究网络中的文学(https://lilltresearch.net/home/,Paran&Kirchhoff,2019)证明了这种教学方法与外语教学的相关性越来越大。最近的学术和课堂实践都证明,阅读文学文本有助于学生发展语言技能,因为“文学使学生接触到复杂的主题和新鲜、出乎意料的语言使用”(Lazar,1993,第15页)。此外,“目前,作为广泛旅行者的学生要求对文化维度采取不同的方法”(Matos,2012)。第7页);在语言课堂上学习文学为这些学生提供了在当今全球化世界中日益必要的跨文化技能。作为教育工作者,我们可以利用文学研究为学生做好准备,让他们在毕业后很长一段时间内应对全球化世界的复杂性。
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引用次数: 0
Palestine Between German Memory Politics and (De-)Colonial Thought 德国记忆政治与(去)殖民思想之间的巴勒斯坦
IF 1.5 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14623528.2020.1847852
Anonymous
The “Mbembe fiasco” started when Felix Klein attacked the Cameroonian philosopher and postcolonial scholar Achille Mbembe, and called for him to be disinvited from the 2020 Ruhrtriennale in Bochum. Klein acted in his federal government capacity as Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight Against Antisemitism. He referenced the 2015 anti-BDS resolution of the German Bundestag when he argued that Mbembe must be forbidden from participating because of his supposed relativization of the Holocaust and denial of the State of Israel to exist (Existenzrecht). Klein centred his criticism on Mbembe’s 2016 essay “The Society of Enmity” and the foreword he wrote for the 2015 publication Apartheid Israel: The Politics of Analogy. The commissioner pointed to Mbembe’s assertations that the colonial occupation of Palestine was worse, indeed “far more lethal” than Apartheid South Africa, and that the occupation of Palestine was the “biggest moral scandal of our times.” Mbembe pointed to the “most dehumanizing ordeals,” the Palestinian experiences of “carnage, destruction and incremental extermination” caused by Israel, and called for its global isolation until it respected international law. As might be expected, Mbembe rejected the claims of antisemitism or of trivializing the Shoah. While many scholars wrote in Mbembe’s defence, none of the German-language articles defended Mbembe’s thoughts on the colonial occupation of Palestine as the “most accomplished form of necropower,” the colonial management of life and death, and “the generalized instrumentalization of human existence and the material
“姆本贝惨败”始于菲利克斯·克莱因(Felix Klein)攻击喀麦隆哲学家、后殖民学者阿希勒·姆本贝(Achille Mbembe),并呼吁取消对他2020年波鸿鲁尔三年展的邀请。克莱因以联邦政府的身份担任德国犹太人生活和反对反犹主义专员。他引用了2015年德国联邦议院的反bds决议,他认为Mbembe必须被禁止参加,因为他对大屠杀的相对化和否认以色列国的存在(Existenzrecht)。克莱因的批评集中在Mbembe 2016年的文章《敌意社会》(The Society of enemy)和他为2015年出版的《以色列种族隔离:类比的政治》(Apartheid Israel: The Politics of Analogy)所写的前言上。专员指出,Mbembe断言,对巴勒斯坦的殖民占领比种族隔离的南非更糟糕,实际上“致命得多”,对巴勒斯坦的占领是“我们这个时代最大的道德丑闻”。Mbembe指出了"最不人道的折磨",巴勒斯坦人经历了以色列造成的"屠杀、破坏和逐渐灭绝",并呼吁在国际上孤立巴勒斯坦,直到它尊重国际法为止。正如人们所预料的那样,Mbembe拒绝了反犹太主义或轻视大屠杀的说法。虽然许多学者为Mbembe辩护,但没有一篇德语文章为Mbembe的思想辩护,认为对巴勒斯坦的殖民占领是“最成功的necropower形式”,是对生命和死亡的殖民管理,是“人类存在和物质的普遍工具化”
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of Genocide Research
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