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From empire to nation: Management of religious pluralism in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey 从帝国到国家:奥斯曼帝国和土耳其的宗教多元化管理
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-23 DOI: 10.1177/01914537241232962
Salim Çevik
The transition from empire to nation-state poses challenges in managing religious and ethnic pluralism. Empires, characterized by hierarchical structures and diversity, contrast with nation-states, which aim for uniformity and unity. As empires modernize administratively, they grapple with different approaches to pluralism. While Habsburgs were more in favor of a federal plurality, the Romanovs pushed for centralization and assimilation. Throughout the nineteenth century, the Ottomans vacillated between these two alternative paths. This vacillation is most evident in their approach to millet system which simultaneously followed the contradictory policies of undermining millet boundaries in order to promote a sense of unity across the multi-faith society and policies of promoting and safeguarding the privileges and group-specific rights of non-Muslim communities. Ottoman nationalism eventually shifted towards a homogenizing model, akin to the Romanov approach, leading to the exclusion of religious minorities. This process of homogenization continued in the nationalist policies of modern Turkey and resulted in the secular Turkish Republic being less tolerant towards non-Muslims than the Islamic Ottoman Empire.
从帝国到民族国家的过渡给宗教和种族多元化的管理带来了挑战。帝国的特点是等级结构和多样性,而民族国家的目标是统一和团结。随着帝国在行政管理上的现代化,它们也在努力以不同的方式处理多元化问题。哈布斯堡王朝更倾向于联邦制的多元化,而罗曼诺夫王朝则主张中央集权和同化。在整个十九世纪,奥斯曼帝国都在这两条道路之间徘徊。这种摇摆不定最明显地体现在他们对待部落制度的态度上,他们同时奉行两种相互矛盾的政策,一种是破坏部落界限以促进多信仰社会的团结意识,另一种是促进和保障非穆斯林群体的特权和特定群体的权利。奥斯曼民族主义最终转向同质化模式,类似于罗曼诺夫的做法,导致排斥宗教少数群体。这种同质化进程在现代土耳其的民族主义政策中得以延续,并导致世俗化的土耳其共和国对非穆斯林的宽容程度低于伊斯兰奥斯曼帝国。
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引用次数: 0
Political friendship, respect, community: Hannah Arendt’s de-materialization of Aristotelian political friendship 政治友谊、尊重、共同体:汉娜-阿伦特对亚里士多德政治友谊的非物质化解读
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-21 DOI: 10.1177/01914537241232580
Alex Cain
In this article I demonstrate how Hannah Arendt both appropriates and transforms Aristotle’s view of political friendship. I argue that the brief discussion of Aristotelian political friendship in The Human Condition relies on an earlier de-materialization of Aristotle’s work on friendship. This de-materialization of Aristotle’s view of friendship allows Arendt to discuss Aristotelian friendship as a kind of ‘respect’, where ‘respect’ is a philosophical notion unavailable to Aristotle. Ultimately, for Arendt, the experience of friendship opens up a space for human beings to begin to practice a distinct way of seeing one another – a ‘respect’ – that can in turn be practiced in public, making the experience of friendship an important precursor to action.
在本文中,我论证了汉娜-阿伦特是如何挪用和改造亚里士多德的政治友谊观的。我认为,《人的条件》中对亚里士多德政治友谊的简短讨论依赖于亚里士多德早先对友谊著作的非物质化。对亚里士多德友谊观的去物质化使阿伦特得以将亚里士多德的友谊作为一种 "尊重 "来讨论,而 "尊重 "是亚里士多德所没有的哲学概念。最终,在阿伦特看来,友谊的体验为人类开辟了一个空间,让人类开始实践一种独特的看待彼此的方式--一种 "尊重"--而这种 "尊重 "又可以在公共场合得到实践,从而使友谊的体验成为行动的重要先导。
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引用次数: 0
Mimicking myths of menopause. A critical phenomenological perspective on ageing and femininity in fiction TV shows 模仿更年期神话。从批判现象学角度看电视剧中的老龄化与女性气质
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/01914537241232586
Marjolein de Boer, Annemie Halsema
This article offers a critical phenomenological analysis of prevailing myths of menopause. By drawing on Simone de Beauvoir's conceptions of myths that essentialize existence, we have analyzed contemporary TV series in which menopause is portrayed. We identified the following myths of menopause: the myth of the liberated woman, the unnesting (s)mother, the old, ugly, and sexless witch, the mild, wise, and uncarnal woman. We first describe these myths and analyze how they may be interpreted as marginalizing in various and sometimes ambiguous ways. Then, we trace out two distinct ways in which some TV shows expose these myths as essentializing myths, which is important for allowing us to take a distance from them, and thereby to resist them. The first one is in line with what Beauvoir herself suggested as a fruitful dealing with myths: replacing mythical thinking with actual experiences. The second way is conceptualized on the basis of Irigaray’s thinking about mimicking myths. Such dealings with myths of menopause, we argue, may open the road to less marginalizing and more pluriform thinking about menopause.
本文对盛行的更年期神话进行了批判性的现象学分析。通过借鉴西蒙娜-德-波伏娃(Simone de Beauvoir)关于将存在本质化的神话的概念,我们分析了描绘更年期的当代电视剧。我们发现了以下有关更年期的神话:解放女性的神话,无巢(s)母亲的神话,年老、丑陋、无性的女巫的神话,温和、睿智、无圣洁的女性的神话。我们首先描述了这些神话,并分析了它们是如何以各种有时是模棱两可的方式被解释为边缘化的。然后,我们追溯一些电视节目揭露这些神话本质化的两种不同方式,这对于让我们与这些神话保持距离,从而抵制它们非常重要。第一种方式与波伏娃本人提出的处理神话的有效方法一致:用实际经验取代神话思维。第二种方式是在伊里格瑞关于模仿神话的思考基础上形成的。我们认为,这种处理更年期神话的方式可能会为更年期的思考开辟一条更少边缘化、更多元化的道路。
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引用次数: 0
Nominalism, materialism, and history 唯名论、唯物主义与历史
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/01914537241234692
Timothy Hinton
This article addresses two explanatory gaps in Althusser’s late work. One has to do with the relation between nominalism and materialism; the other engages the relation between Althusser’s later materialism and a broadly materialist approach to history. In the first part of the article, I develop a response to the problem of nominalism that makes use of Hobbes’s nominalism and Deleuze’s concept of the plane of immanence. In the second part, I address the problem of history by explaining the concept of an aleatory causal chain, and showing how such chains could be at work in human history. I also make use of Hobbes’s materialist account of causation, applying it to social relations, social collectivities, and historical events.
本文探讨了阿尔都塞晚期著作中的两个解释性空白。其中一个涉及唯名论与唯物论之间的关系;另一个涉及阿尔都塞晚期唯物论与广义唯物史观之间的关系。在文章的第一部分,我利用霍布斯的唯名论和德勒兹的 "内在性平面 "概念对唯名论问题做出了回应。在文章的第二部分,我通过解释无因果链的概念来解决历史问题,并说明这种因果链如何在人类历史中发挥作用。我还利用霍布斯关于因果关系的唯物主义论述,将其应用于社会关系、社会集体和历史事件。
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引用次数: 0
Does Richard Rorty have ‘anything to say to blacks’? Greater cruelties, lesser cruelties and the permanence of racism 理查德-罗蒂对黑人 "有话要说 "吗?更大的残酷、更小的残酷以及种族主义的永恒性
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-19 DOI: 10.1177/01914537241233428
Nathan W Dean
Richard Rorty does have something ‘to say to [Black Americans]’ and to their racially conscious nonblack allies in the sense that his understanding of liberalism, his prophecies about the future and his urgent appeals to the American Left all paint a picture of a white middle class fully prepared to make life increasingly miserable for Black Americans unless it is ‘protected from catastrophe’. Rorty hopes that this group will undergo a moral transformation that enables it to see past its narrow group interests, but doubts that it will. He, nevertheless, prescribes a politics of hope and appeasement as a hedge against both despair and backsliding. In so doing, he fails to appreciate the availability and the suitability of an alternative ‘racial realist’ (and tragicomic) posture vis-à-vis American liberalism inspired by thinkers like Ralph Ellison, James Baldwin and Derrick Bell. This alternative enables racially conscious Americans to respond to the intransigence of (certain) white Americans with cunning rather than by escaping into fantasies of a ‘dream country’ unmarked by the damage caused by racism and its long-lingering effects. I uncover and explore this alternative through Rorty’s warnings regarding the white middle class, a somewhat surprising consistency between Rorty’s brand of class politics and Bell’s understanding of ‘racial fortuity’, and, finally, through a development of Bell’s ‘racial realist’ posture combined with Baldwin’s ‘uses of the blues’ resulting in a ‘hard-eyed’ tragicomic sensibility sufficient to effectively pair continued struggle with creative consolation and resilience.
理查德-罗蒂确实有话 "要对[美国黑人]说",也有话要对他们那些有种族意识的非黑人盟友说,因为他对自由主义的理解、对未来的预言以及对美国左翼的紧急呼吁,都描绘了这样一幅图景:除非 "保护美国黑人免遭灾难",否则白人中产阶级已经做好了让美国黑人的生活越来越悲惨的充分准备。罗蒂希望这一群体能够经历道德转变,从而能够超越狭隘的群体利益,但他对这一点表示怀疑。尽管如此,他还是开出了希望和绥靖政治的药方,以防止绝望和倒退。在这样做的过程中,他没有意识到,在拉尔夫-埃里森(Ralph Ellison)、詹姆斯-鲍德温(James Baldwin)和德里克-贝尔(Derrick Bell)等思想家的启发下,相对于美国自由主义而言,另一种 "种族现实主义"(和悲喜剧式的)姿态是可用的,也是合适的。这种另类姿态使具有种族意识的美国人能够以狡猾的方式应对(某些)美国白人的顽固立场,而不是逃避现实,幻想一个没有种族主义造成的伤害及其长期影响的 "梦幻国度"。我通过罗蒂对白人中产阶级的警告、罗蒂的阶级政治品牌与贝尔对 "种族偶然性 "的理解之间令人惊讶的一致性,以及贝尔的 "种族现实主义 "姿态与鲍德温的 "蓝调运用 "相结合的发展,发现并探索了这一替代方案,从而形成了一种 "目光坚毅 "的悲喜剧感性,足以有效地将持续的斗争与创造性的安慰和韧性结合起来。
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引用次数: 0
Judith Butler and future generations: Transtemporal relationality, generational trouble and future-oriented ruthless critique 朱迪斯-巴特勒与后代:跨时空关系、世代问题和面向未来的无情批判
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-16 DOI: 10.1177/01914537241232965
Michael Reder, Simon Faets
Radical theories of democracy deal only marginally with climate impacts. Judith Butler is part of this tradition and has worked on ecological issues in recent years. She might help contribute to beginning to close this gap. In this article, some of her theoretical elements will be explored in order to critically discuss whether and how climate impacts can be understood philosophically within the framework of radical democracy. These reflections include Butler’s interpretation of relationality, vulnerability, critique and resistance. By combining these theoretical elements and applying them to future generations, which Butler only touches on to some extent, we outline how radical democracy may contribute to the philosophical discourse on climate change, thereby significantly broadening the overall philosophical debate. Furthermore, the article puts forward a critique of radical democratic theory for neglecting the issue of future generations thus far and suggests a direction in which it could be developed further.
激进的民主理论对气候影响只是略有涉及。朱迪斯-巴特勒是这一传统的一部分,近年来一直致力于生态问题。她可能有助于开始缩小这一差距。本文将探讨她的一些理论要素,以便批判性地讨论是否以及如何在激进民主的框架内从哲学角度理解气候影响。这些思考包括巴特勒对关系性、脆弱性、批判和抵抗的诠释。通过结合这些理论要素并将其应用于巴特勒仅在一定程度上涉及的后代问题,我们概述了激进民主如何为气候变化的哲学讨论做出贡献,从而极大地拓宽了整个哲学辩论的范围。此外,文章还对激进民主理论迄今为止忽视后代问题提出了批评,并提出了进一步发展的方向。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion: The challenges of pseudo-nationalism and the lessons from intellectual history 结论:伪民族主义的挑战和思想史的教训
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231225456
Mark Lilla
This article questions whether past experience with nationalisms rooted in history, language, custom and religion will be much of a guide to pseudo-nationalisms that arise in a globalized age with increasingly ‘liquid’ societies.
这篇文章质疑的是,过去根植于历史、语言、习俗和宗教的民族主义经验,对于在全球化时代出现的、日益 "流动 "的社会中的伪民族主义是否具有指导意义。
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引用次数: 0
Non-domination and constituent power: Socialist republicanism versus radical democracy 非统治与制宪权力:社会主义共和制与激进民主制
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221107401
Benjamin Ask Popp-Madsen
Two of the dominant frameworks for criticizing capitalism and liberal democracy in contemporary political theory is Socialist republicanism, on the one hand, and radical democracy, on other hand. Whereas radical democratic thinkers have for decades criticized liberal democracy for being elitist, hierarchical and outright anti-popular, socialist republicans have for the last 10 years developed critiques of capitalism centred on the neo-republican idea of freedom as non-domination and proposed various arguments for workplace democracy and cooperative forms of ownership. Despite the common ambition of uncovering hierarchical relations of economic, political and social power, and creating new egalitarian and participatory modes of political organization, no systematic comparison of socialist republicanism and radical democracy exists. This paper fills this gap by comparing the different understandings of (a) institutions and (b) political action and (c) their diverging historical and political relations to socialism.
在当代政治理论中,批评资本主义和自由民主的两个主要框架是社会主义共和主义和激进民主主义。激进的民主思想家几十年来一直批评自由民主是精英主义、等级制和完全反大众的,而社会主义共和党人在过去10年里发展了对资本主义的批评,其核心是新共和主义的自由思想,即非统治,并提出了各种关于工作场所民主和合作所有制形式的论点。尽管揭示经济、政治和社会权力的等级关系,创造新的平等主义和参与的政治组织模式是共同的目标,但没有对社会主义共和主义和激进民主主义进行系统的比较。本文通过比较对(a)制度和(b)政治行动的不同理解,以及(c)它们与社会主义不同的历史和政治关系,填补了这一空白。
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引用次数: 1
An anthropological investigation of cruelty and its contrasts 关于残忍及其对比的人类学调查
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537221101319
Ronald Stade, Nigel Rapport
In liberal political philosophy, from Michel de Montaigne to Judith Shklar, cruelty – the wilful inflicting of pain on another in order to cause anguish and fear – has been singled out as ‘the most evil of all evils’ and as unjustifiable: the ultimate vice. An unconditional rejection and negation of cruelty is taken to be programmatic within a liberal paradigm. In this contribution, two anthropologists triangulate cruelty as a concept with torture (Stade) and with love (Rapport). Treating the capability to practise cruelty and the liability to suffer from cruelty as universal aspects of a human condition, Stade and Rapport aim to instantiate the precise enactment of cruelty, firstly, and secondly, to propose a process of its social negation. CIA training manuals and quotidian practice within the British National Health Service are employed as illustrative materials.
在自由主义政治哲学中,从蒙田(Michel de Montaigne)到朱蒂丝·施克拉(Judith Shklar),残忍——为了引起痛苦和恐惧而故意对他人施加痛苦——被挑出来作为“所有罪恶中最邪恶的”,是不合理的:终极罪恶。在自由主义范式中,对残忍的无条件拒绝和否定被认为是纲领性的。在这篇文章中,两位人类学家将残忍作为一个概念与折磨(Stade)和爱(Rapport)进行三角分析。将实施残忍的能力和遭受残忍的责任作为人类状况的普遍方面,Stade和Rapport旨在实例化残忍的精确制定,其次,提出其社会否定的过程。中央情报局的培训手册和英国国民保健服务的日常做法被用作说明材料。
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引用次数: 1
Fascist ideas, practices and networks of ‘Empire’: Rethinking Interwar Italy as post-Habsburg history (1918–1938) “帝国”的法西斯思想、实践和网络:重新思考两次世界大战之间的意大利后哈布斯堡历史(1918-1938)
3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231215704
Marco Bresciani
This chapter relates post-1918 Italy to the collapse of the Habsburg Empire and the ascent of the successor states, and analyses, from the Trieste’s vantage point, fascist projects, practices and networks of ‘empire’ in the Adriatic Sea, in Mitteleuropa and in the Balkans between 1918 and 1938. It focuses on three connected aspects. Firstly, the northern Adriatic was the first setting of the ascent of squadrismo, a model of violent action against ‘enemies within’ then replicated elsewhere. Secondly, Italian nationalism and imperialism aimed to reconfigure the post-Habsburg economic space and to reconnect the Adriatic with Central and Balkan Europe. Thirdly, Italian nationalist (then Fascist) élites from Trieste played a critical role, by boosting processes of empire-building and defending Austria vis-à-vis the prospects of Anschluss. In sum, the Habsburg legacies kept on shaping the dynamics of Italianization and fascistization in northern Adriatic and on feeding the search for Italy’s informal empire in Central and Southeastern Europe.
本章将1918年后的意大利与哈布斯堡帝国的崩溃和继承国的崛起联系起来,并从的里雅斯特的有利位置分析了1918年至1938年间在亚得里亚海、中欧和巴尔干地区的法西斯项目、实践和“帝国”网络。它侧重于三个相互关联的方面。首先,亚得里亚海北部是中队主义兴起的第一个地方,这是一种针对“内部敌人”的暴力行为模式,然后在其他地方复制。其次,意大利民族主义和帝国主义旨在重新配置后哈布斯堡的经济空间,并重新连接亚得里亚海与中欧和巴尔干的欧洲。第三,来自的里雅斯特的意大利民族主义者(当时是法西斯主义者)起了关键作用,他们推动了帝国建设的进程,捍卫了奥地利对-à-vis合并前景的担忧。总之,哈布斯堡王朝的遗产继续塑造着亚得里亚海北部的意大利化和法西斯化的动态,并为意大利在中欧和东南欧建立非正式帝国提供了动力。
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引用次数: 0
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