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Balancing the digital universe: Power and patterns in the new public sphere 平衡数字宇宙:新公共领域的权力和模式
3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231203540
Claudia Ritzi
From the viewpoint of Political Theory, digital technology presents both risks and opportunities for the democratic public sphere. Public discourse is now more complex and fragmented than ever before. Against this background, this paper uses the metaphor of a “communicative universe” to analyze the latest structural change of the public sphere. It emphasizes the significance of achieving a balance between different actors and powers in contemporary political discourse. Patterns in media communication can not only be identified but also influenced and constructed in ways that support the democratic functionality of political discourses.
从政治理论的角度来看,数字技术为民主公共领域带来了风险和机遇。现在的公共话语比以往任何时候都更加复杂和分散。在此背景下,本文以“交际宇宙”为隐喻来分析公共领域的最新结构变化。它强调了在当代政治话语中实现不同行动者和权力之间平衡的重要性。媒体传播模式不仅可以被识别,而且可以以支持政治话语的民主功能的方式影响和构建。
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引用次数: 0
Gnosticism, political theory and apocalypse: Jacob Taubes and Günther Anders, Tracy Strong and Carl Schmitt 诺斯替主义,政治理论和天启:雅各布·陶贝斯和<s:1>北安德斯,特蕾西·斯特朗和卡尔·施密特
3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231203551
Babette Babich
Beginning with Jacob Taubes and Günther Anders on eschatology, apocalypse and political theology, including Saint Paul and Frankfurt School critical theory along with bombs and power plants (energy/climate), this essay parallels a re-reading of Tracy B. Strong’s political reading of Nietzsche on Jesus (and love) with Taubes, Anders and Carl Schmitt on politics (and technology). Highlighted throughout is the politically charged (and inherently esoteric) context of Gnosticism for philosophy and theory for Taubes but also for Anders.
本文从雅各布·陶布斯和格恩·安德斯对末世论、天启论和政治神学的解读开始,包括圣保罗和法兰克福学派的批判理论以及炸弹和发电厂(能源/气候),本文将特雷西·b·斯特朗对尼采关于耶稣(和爱)的政治解读与陶布斯、安德斯和卡尔·施密特关于政治(和技术)的解读相提并论。贯穿始终的是诺斯替主义哲学和理论的政治背景(本质上是深奥的),对陶布斯和安德斯来说都是如此。
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引用次数: 0
Populism and critical theory: On Arato and Cohen 民粹主义与批判理论:论阿拉托与科恩
3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231203554
Patrick O’Mahony
The book contains an extraordinary condensation of important themes regarding populism. It brings social and political science together with normative philosophy, something badly needed today in critical theory to advance its theoretical-empirical approach. But it is precisely the kind of interpretation of critical theory presented in the book that is the focus of these brief comments. In particular, I mainly ask about the relation to second-generation critical theory. In this context, the comments particularly address kinds and levels of cultural structure that make possible the form of normative reconstruction offered by critical theory, and examines how these appear – or do not appear – in the book, together with outlining the implications for the approach. Specifically, I will address three main dimensions arising in the book. These are (a) Immanent Critique; (b) The counterfactual status of ideals; (c) The methodology of ideal type analysis. The general conclusion is show in what ways the line of inquiry present in the book can be further elaborated within critical theory.
这本书特别浓缩了有关民粹主义的重要主题。它将社会和政治科学与规范哲学结合在一起,这是当今批判理论急需的东西,以推进其理论-经验方法。但正是书中对批判理论的解释,才是这些简短评论的重点。特别是,我主要问的是与第二代批判理论的关系。在这种背景下,评论特别讨论了文化结构的种类和层次,这些结构使批判理论提供的规范性重建形式成为可能,并检查了这些结构如何在书中出现或不出现,同时概述了该方法的含义。具体来说,我将讨论书中出现的三个主要方面。它们是(a)内在批判;(b)理想的反事实地位;(c)理想型分析方法。总的结论是,本书中提出的探究路线可以在批判理论中得到进一步阐述。
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引用次数: 0
Public sphere and global governance 公共领域和全球治理
3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-03 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231203547
Michael Zürn
This paper is about the effects of the absence and the possibility of the emergence of a normatively meaningful political public sphere. The effects of the lack of a global public sphere are far-reaching. Namely, the current crisis of global governance and the global political system can be traced back to the absence of a normatively meaningful public sphere that can mediate between global society and the authoritative institutions of global governance. At the same time, I argue that the absence of the public sphere is not primarily due to the population’s attitudes trapped in national horizons but must be primarily attributed to the deficient institutional structure of the global political system.
这篇论文是关于一个有规范意义的政治公共领域的缺失和出现的可能性的影响。缺乏全球公共领域的影响是深远的。也就是说,当前全球治理和全球政治体系的危机可以追溯到缺乏一个规范的有意义的公共领域,它可以在全球社会和全球治理的权威机构之间进行调解。与此同时,我认为,公共领域的缺失主要不是由于人们的态度被困在国家视野中,而必须主要归因于全球政治体系的制度结构缺陷。
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引用次数: 0
Imagined publics – On the structural transformation of higher education and science. A post-Habermas perspective 想象中的公众——论高等教育与科学的结构转型。后哈贝马斯的观点
3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-03 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231203544
Georg Krücken
Referring to Habermas’ groundbreaking book ‘The structural transformation of the public sphere’, the article discusses contemporary transformations of higher education and science. In order to do so, in a first step a post-Habermas perspective will be developed, which implies two changes to the theoretical foundations guiding Habermas’ analysis: On the one hand, we are in the midst of a social transformation that has led to a pluralization of the understandings of the public – that is, publics. The representation of society in society no longer finds a homogeneous form; it takes place only within the framework of different partial publics. These publics gain importance for different types of organizations (companies, public administrations, NGOs, etc.). This is where the second change to Habermas’ concept comes in because, on the other hand, from the perspective taken in this paper, such publics are constructs of the organizations themselves, that is, imagined publics. The fruitfulness of such a post-Habermas perspective on the public sphere will be illustrated by focusing on higher education and science. Universities as the organizational embodiment of higher education and science, not only represent a discursive space in the public sphere, but they are also increasingly transformed into strategically acting organizations that imagine and actively shape the publics that are relevant to them. Four examples will be used to present empirical observations that emerge from the theoretical perspective proposed here. These examples, however, require more in-depth investigations and only serve as illustrations for a new research agenda on ‘imagined publics’. In the end of this contribution, it is asked how far-reaching the discussed change processes towards universities as strategic organizations are, and what consequences result concerning a discursive and communicative understanding of universities.
参考哈贝马斯的开创性著作《公共领域的结构转型》,本文讨论了当代高等教育和科学的转型。为了做到这一点,第一步将发展一个后哈贝马斯视角,这意味着对指导哈贝马斯分析的理论基础的两个变化:一方面,我们正处于社会转型之中,这导致了对公众的理解的多元化-即公众。社会在社会中的表现形式不再是同质的;它只在不同的部分公众的框架内发生。这些公众对不同类型的组织(公司、公共管理部门、非政府组织等)都很重要。这就是哈贝马斯概念的第二个变化,因为,另一方面,从本文的角度来看,这些公众是组织本身的建构,也就是想象的公众。这种关于公共领域的后哈贝马斯视角的丰硕成果将通过关注高等教育和科学来说明。大学作为高等教育和科学的组织体现,不仅代表了公共领域的话语空间,而且它们也日益转变为战略行动组织,想象并积极塑造与之相关的公众。将使用四个例子来展示从这里提出的理论角度出现的经验观察。然而,这些例子需要更深入的调查,只能作为“想象公众”新研究议程的例证。在这篇文章的最后,它被问及所讨论的大学作为战略组织的变化过程有多深远,以及对大学的话语和交流理解会产生什么后果。
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引用次数: 0
Social criticism, dissonance, and progress: A socio-epistemic approach 社会批判、不和谐与进步:社会学方法
IF 0.7 3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537211040571
Gianfranco Casuso
The immanent approach adopted by most contemporary representatives of the Critical Theory tradition has generally the purpose of offering a foundation for social criticism that, without relying exclusively on explicit or factually accepted principles, avoids both the potential arbitrariness of subjective judgment and the appeal to transcendent criteria. However, this project has not yet paid much attention to the socio-epistemic elements related to the intersubjective praxis of criticism. Based on this concern, I intend to explore the possibility of immanent criticism by using the epistemic category of dissonance. I will begin by showing how Davidson’s notion of irrationality can overcome the problematic separation between healthy and pathological behavior found in Festinger’s classical theory of cognitive dissonance and serve as an indicator of epistemic contradictions that can lead to social change. Thereafter, I will explain the link between these approaches and both Brandom’s inferential semantics and Honneth’s normative reconstruction. At the end of the first part, I expect to show an articulated picture of how dissonance can serve as a key for the analysis of inconsistencies present both in the belief systems and in the institutions and practices that constitute forms of life. In the second part, I will reconstruct three possible objections to this comprehensive approach in relation to the role of the individual in processes of social criticism and to the notions of progress and rationality that the approach adopts. I will analyze here what kind of meta-criterion is necessary to overcome the discomfort generated by the experience of dissonance so that it leads to social change. Taking up the Hegelian-Pragmatist idea of accumulation of experiences, I will argue that such a meta-criterion refers to the possibility of gathering and using available and non-endogenous socio-epistemic resources that allow reconfiguring the foundations of the questioned form of life.
批判理论传统的大多数当代代表人物所采用的 "内在性"(immanent)方法的总体目的是为社会批判提供一个基础,这个基础不完全依赖于明确的或事实公认的原则,既避免了主观判断的潜在任意性,也避免了对超验标准的诉求。然而,这一项目尚未对与主体间批评实践相关的社会--认识论要素给予太多关注。基于这种关注,我打算利用 "不和谐 "这一认识论范畴来探讨内在批评的可能性。首先,我将说明戴维森的非理性概念如何克服费斯廷格的经典认知失调理论中存在的健康行为与病态行为之间的分离问题,并作为认识论矛盾的指标,导致社会变革。之后,我将解释这些方法与布兰德姆的推理语义学和霍耐特的规范重建之间的联系。在第一部分结束时,我将展示一幅清晰的图景,说明不和谐如何成为分析构成生活形式的信仰体系、制度和实践中存在的不一致之处的一把钥匙。在第二部分,我将从个人在社会批判过程中的作用以及该方法所采用的进步和理性概念两个方面,重构对这种综合方法的三种可能的反对意见。在此,我将分析需要什么样的元标准来克服不和谐体验所产生的不适,从而导致社会变革。从黑格尔-实用主义的经验积累思想出发,我将论证这种元标准是指收集和利用现有的、非本源的社会-认识论资源的可能性,这些资源可以重新配置受质疑的生活形式的基础。
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引用次数: 0
When Twitter blocked Trump: The paradox, ambivalence and dialectic of digitalized publics 当推特屏蔽特朗普:数字化公众的悖论、矛盾心理和辩证法
3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231203921
Martin Seeliger, Markus Baum
In our text, we follow the traces of a (1) paradox, (2) an ambivalence and (3) a dialectic that constitute digitalized public spheres and discuss the resulting tensions in discourse-ethical and political-theoretical perspectives using the blocking of Donald J. Trump’s Twitter account as an example. Starting from this, we determine the conditions of constitution of the digital public sphere and locate the dynamics of its development in the dialectical tension between private and public: The fact that the two other relations of autonomy and heteronomy, intensification and polarization come to such a head is based on an insufficient socialization of all those means of production that produce the current digital public sphere. Using the example of Donald J. Trump’s recently suspended Twitter account and with a view to Habermas’s discourse ethics, we illustrate the extent to which Trump’s partly racist and conspiracy-theoretical post violates discourse ethics standards and is also highly problematic with regard to the political; however, banishment from a part of the digital public sphere is certainly not an act that should be incumbent on a private company. From this, we conclude that the normative potentials of digital public spheres can only be vol.
在我们的文本中,我们遵循(1)悖论,(2)矛盾心理和(3)构成数字化公共领域的辩证法的痕迹,并以封锁唐纳德·j·特朗普的Twitter账户为例,从话语伦理和政治理论的角度讨论由此产生的紧张关系。由此出发,我们确定了数字公共领域的构成条件,并将其发展的动力定位在私人与公共之间的辩证张力中:自治与他律、强化与极化这两种其他关系达到如此地步的事实,是基于产生当前数字公共领域的所有生产资料的社会化不足。以唐纳德·j·特朗普最近被封的推特账户为例,结合哈贝马斯的话语伦理,我们说明了特朗普部分种族主义和阴谋论的帖子在多大程度上违反了话语伦理标准,并且在政治方面也存在很大问题;然而,从数字公共领域的一部分驱逐出去当然不应该是一家私营公司义不容辞的行为。由此,我们得出结论,数字公共领域的规范潜力只能是无限的。
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引用次数: 0
The theory of the public sphere as a cognitive theory of modern society 作为现代社会认知理论的公共领域理论
3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231203905
Hans-Jörg Trenz
The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere is a key contribution to political philosophy, media history, democratic theory and political economy – published almost 60 years ago – that left a deep imprint on the process of democratic consolidation of the Federal Republic of Germany. At the same time, the Habermasian model of the public sphere was used to test out the possibilities of democratisation beyond the nation-state. The theory of the public sphere was, however, mainly discussed as a contribution to normative political theory and, as such, the applicability of its normative standards remained contested. In this article, I focus instead on a second sociological reading of Habermas’ theory of the public sphere as an exploration of the cognitive foundations of modern society. The relevance of this approach can be shown in an exemplary way by discussing the functioning of publicity, which, by creating social visibility and facilitating public opinion formation, on the one hand, provides the knowledge base of a shared social world and, on the other hand, becomes the main driver of social change through critical self-reflection. The article goes on to take a look at recent public sphere transformations in the context of digitalisation and globalisation, and argues that public sphere principles are both undermined and gain new relevance when facing the challenges of new and digital media.
《公共领域的结构转型》是对政治哲学、媒介史、民主理论和政治经济学的重要贡献- -出版于近60年前- -在德意志联邦共和国的民主巩固进程中留下了深刻的印记。与此同时,哈贝马斯的公共领域模型被用来检验超越民族国家的民主化的可能性。然而,公共领域理论主要是作为对规范政治理论的贡献来讨论的,因此,其规范标准的适用性仍然存在争议。在这篇文章中,我将重点放在哈贝马斯公共领域理论的第二次社会学解读上,作为对现代社会认知基础的探索。这种方法的相关性可以通过讨论宣传的功能以一种范例的方式显示出来,宣传通过创造社会知名度和促进舆论形成,一方面提供了共享社会世界的知识基础,另一方面,通过批判性的自我反思成为社会变革的主要驱动力。本文继续探讨了数字化和全球化背景下公共领域的转型,并认为公共领域原则在面对新媒体和数字媒体的挑战时,既受到了破坏,又获得了新的相关性。
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引用次数: 0
Capitalism and contested publicity. A conversation with Nancy Fraser 资本主义和有争议的宣传。与南希·弗雷泽的对话
3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231203555
Victor Kempf, Sebastian Sevignani
Following a workshop on ‘Wildening the public sphere’ with Nancy Fraser at the Berlin Centre for Social Critique in June 2022, we had the chance to continue the discussion via Zoom in November 2022. We start by illuminating the relation between ‘subaltern counterpublics’ and the public-at-large, the rise of right-wing counterpublics and the impact of so-called ‘social media’ on the public sphere. That brings us to the question how publics are situated within capitalism, and how they are able to politicize issues that are traditionally considered private in capitalist societies. This is particularly interesting in regard to the pressing political task of forming an extended and non-essentialist working class identity that is able to mediate different ‘faces of labour’, as Fraser puts it in her recent Benjamin Lecture (2022a).
继2022年6月与南希·弗雷泽在柏林社会批判中心举办的“扩大公共领域”研讨会之后,我们有机会在2022年11月通过Zoom继续讨论。我们首先阐明“下层反公众”与普通公众之间的关系,右翼反公众的兴起以及所谓的“社交媒体”对公共领域的影响。这就引出了这样一个问题:公众是如何被置于资本主义之中的?他们是如何将资本主义社会传统上被视为私人的问题政治化的?就像弗雷泽在她最近的本杰明讲座(2022a)中所说的那样,关于形成一个扩展的、非本质主义的工人阶级身份的紧迫政治任务,这一点特别有趣。工人阶级身份能够调解不同的“劳动面孔”。
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引用次数: 0
Hegemonic listening and doing memory on right-wing violence: Negotiating German political culture in public spheres 右翼暴力的霸权倾听与记忆:公共领域的德国政治文化谈判
3区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231203534
Tanja Thomas, Fabian Virchow
The first section of this chapter illustrates that the pogrom in Rostock-Lichtenhagen in 1992 has not been categorized sufficiently as a substantial milestone of right-wing violence in postwar Germany. This pogrom led to historically significant limitations in the right to asylum, ultimately resulting in a change to the German constitution. We propose to look at Rostock-Lichtenhagen as an example to explain that practices of remembering right-wing violence, a process that we describe with the term ‘Doing Memory on right-wing violence’, is a central part of creating a society’s basic story. This basic story, in turn, contributes to how a society understands itself. In this chapter’s second section, we argue first that analyzing practices of memory of right-wing violence, be they acknowledging, forgetting or suppressing those practices, actually make it possible to even expose the persistence of the basic story as a central element of political culture. Second, we want to uncover how potential and publicly effective interventions of and changes to the basic story might look like. Here, we build on Habermas’ model of democracy, utilize Susan Bickford’s work on listening as an important element in her political philosophy and refer to Benjamin Barber, who articulates that a participatory democracy requires political listening. As a result, our chapter’s third section demonstrates how listening can be conceptualized from a supra-individual perspective and how questions that are critical of existing hegemonic structures can prioritize a focus on hegemonic (non)listening. Lastly, we will sketch out strategies to intervene in hegemonic (non)listening. These strategies connect theoretically with concepts of ‘counter publics’ and ‘opinion forming publics’ and reference, among others, the work of Seyla Benhabib and Iris Marion Young, thus enabling the creation and execution of resistance practices of Doing Memory on right-wing violence.
本章的第一部分说明,1992年发生在罗斯托克-利希滕哈根的大屠杀并没有被充分归类为战后德国右翼暴力的一个重要里程碑。这次大屠杀导致庇护权受到历史上重大的限制,最终导致德国宪法的改变。我们建议以罗斯托克-利希滕哈根(Rostock-Lichtenhagen)为例,解释记住右翼暴力行为的做法,我们用“对右翼暴力行为进行记忆”来描述这一过程,这是创造一个社会基本故事的核心部分。这个基本的故事反过来又有助于一个社会如何理解自己。在本章的第二部分,我们首先认为,分析右翼暴力的记忆实践,无论是承认、忘记还是压制这些实践,实际上甚至有可能揭示基本故事作为政治文化的核心要素的持久性。其次,我们想要揭示潜在的、公开有效的干预措施和对基本情况的改变可能是什么样子。在这里,我们以哈贝马斯的民主模型为基础,利用苏珊比克福德关于倾听的工作作为她政治哲学的重要元素,并参考本杰明巴伯,他阐明了参与式民主需要政治倾听。因此,本章的第三部分展示了如何从超个人的角度概念化倾听,以及对现有霸权结构的批评问题如何优先关注霸权(非)倾听。最后,我们将概述干预霸权(非)倾听的策略。这些策略在理论上与“反公众”和“舆论形成公众”的概念联系在一起,并参考了Seyla Benhabib和Iris Marion Young的工作,从而使“做记忆”对右翼暴力的抵抗实践得以创造和执行。
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引用次数: 0
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