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“Killing nature—killing us”: “Cultural threats” as a fundamental framework for analyzing Indigenous movements against mining in Siberia and the Russian North “杀死自然——杀死我们”:“文化威胁”是分析西伯利亚和俄罗斯北部反对采矿的土著运动的基本框架
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-18 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2158014
Andrey Plotnitskiy, Arnab Roy Chowdhury
ABSTRACT The Shor people are protesting the ongoing mining of coal in the southern Kemerovo region of Siberia, while the Izhma Komi people are contesting the extraction of oil in the northern Komi Republic (Northwestern Federal District). The theory of “political opportunities” states that movements emerge when opportune moments create spaces for these, but we argue that in illiberal spaces, movements emerge against “threats” in an ever-decreasing political space. We argue that the extraction of coal and oil in Russia’s eastern regions poses not only structural threats – economic problems, public health/environmental decline, erosion of rights, and state repression – to its Indigenous peoples, but also cultural threats to their livelihoods and life-worlds. The various structural threats are thus intertwined with cultural threats in the case of Indigenous rights movements, and environmental decline is inextricably bound with the erosion of rights.
肖尔人正在抗议在西伯利亚克麦罗沃南部地区正在进行的煤炭开采,而伊兹马科米人正在反对在科米共和国北部(西北联邦区)开采石油。“政治机会”理论指出,当合适的时刻为这些运动创造空间时,运动就会出现,但我们认为,在非自由的空间中,运动是在一个不断减少的政治空间中针对“威胁”而出现的。我们认为,在俄罗斯东部地区开采煤炭和石油不仅对其土著人民构成结构性威胁——经济问题、公共卫生/环境恶化、权利侵蚀和国家镇压,而且对他们的生计和生活世界构成文化威胁。因此,就土著权利运动而言,各种结构性威胁与文化威胁交织在一起,环境的恶化与权利的侵蚀密不可分。
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引用次数: 1
Commitment problems and the failure of the Minsk process: the second-order commitment challenge 承诺问题与明斯克进程的失败:二阶承诺挑战
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-17 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2158685
Paul D’Anieri
ABSTRACT Understanding why the Minsk process failed is essential both for explaining why Russia invaded in 2022 and for ensuring that a new peace settlement does not prove similarly ineffective. Many analyses point to the conflicting goals of the combatants as the basic obstacle to peace. However, rationalist approaches show that some peace agreement should always be preferable to war. The commitment problem represents an obstacle to peace in Ukraine that is distinct from the territorial questions at the center of the war. The failure of Minsk reflects the actors’ inability to credibly commit to fulfilling their promises. Third-party guarantees are essential to solving the conflict, but external guarantees have their own credibility problems. Therefore, further conflict was the only route to a settlement. Unless better solutions for the commitment problem can be found, a peace deal will rely either on one side being defeated or the two sides fighting to exhaustion.
摘要了解明斯克进程失败的原因,对于解释俄罗斯2022年入侵的原因以及确保新的和平解决方案不会同样无效至关重要。许多分析指出,战斗人员相互冲突的目标是和平的基本障碍。然而,理性主义的方法表明,一些和平协议应该总是比战争更可取。承诺问题是乌克兰和平的障碍,与战争中心的领土问题不同。明斯克会议的失败反映出各方无法可信地承诺履行其承诺。第三方担保对解决冲突至关重要,但外部担保也有其自身的信誉问题。因此,进一步的冲突是达成解决的唯一途径。除非能为承诺问题找到更好的解决方案,否则和平协议要么取决于一方被击败,要么取决于双方战斗到筋疲力尽。
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引用次数: 0
Critical approaches and research on inequality in Russian studies: the need for visibility and legitimization 俄国研究中不平等的批判方法与研究:能见度与合法化的需要
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2156222
G. Yusupova
ABSTRACT This essay suggests legitimizing and promoting critical approaches in Russian studies, as well as acknowledging the multifaceted diversity within Russian society. This diversity needs to be taken into serious consideration in any research on Russia. Moreover, various levels of inequality that this rich diversity both creates and challenges should be reflected upon in multidisciplinary research, with the focus on historical legacies in the reproduction of those inequalities. The author argues against a limited understanding of inequalities as economic phenomena, and proposes to think about the variety of inequalities that are very prominent in the Russian context: categorical, symbolic, territorial, etc.
本文建议在俄罗斯研究中合法化和促进批判性方法,以及承认俄罗斯社会的多方面多样性。在任何关于俄罗斯的研究中,都需要认真考虑这种多样性。此外,这种丰富的多样性所造成和挑战的各种程度的不平等应在多学科研究中得到反映,重点放在这些不平等再现的历史遗产上。作者反对将不平等视为经济现象的有限理解,并建议思考在俄罗斯背景下非常突出的各种不平等:绝对的、象征的、领土的等等。
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引用次数: 5
Survey research in Russia: in the shadow of war 战争阴影下的俄罗斯调查研究
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-05 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2151767
Bryn Rosenfeld
ABSTRACT Amid ongoing uncertainty, regular surveying in Russia continues to date and collaborations with Western academics have too. These developments offer some basis for cautious optimism. Yet they also raise critical questions about the practice of survey research in repressive environments. Are Russians less willing today to respond to surveys? Are they less willing to answer sensitive questions? How can we design research to elicit truthful responses and to know whether respondents are answering insincerely about sensitive opinions? This article lays out some of the existing evidence on these important questions. It also makes the argument that cross-fertilization with other fields can help to ensure a rigorous understanding of and response to changes in the environment for survey research in Russia.
摘要在持续的不确定性中,俄罗斯的定期调查仍在继续,与西方学者的合作也在继续。这些事态发展为谨慎乐观提供了一些基础。然而,它们也对压制性环境中的调查研究实践提出了批评性问题。如今,俄罗斯人是否不太愿意对调查做出回应?他们是否不太愿意回答敏感问题?我们如何设计研究来引出真实的回答,并了解受访者是否在不真诚地回答敏感意见?这篇文章列出了关于这些重要问题的一些现有证据。它还提出,与其他领域的交叉施肥有助于确保对俄罗斯调查研究环境变化的严格理解和应对。
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引用次数: 7
On double miss in Russian studies: can social and political psychology help? 论俄罗斯研究中的双重失误:社会和政治心理学有帮助吗?
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2152261
G. Sharafutdinova
ABSTRACT This essay highlights the potential analytical leverage from the import of recent approaches in social and political psychology into the study of politics in Russia. The core argument is that social psychology offers suitable conceptual and analytical tools to explore the political phenomena that have come to the forefront of social and political processes in Russia over the past decade. Social psychology is best at dealing with collective emotions and allows for integrating into the political analysis such affective issues as resentment, national humiliation, and collective victimhood. It also enables the appreciation and exploration of the phenomenon of political leadership from a collective perspective.
摘要本文强调了将社会和政治心理学的最新方法引入俄罗斯政治研究的潜在分析杠杆作用。核心论点是,社会心理学提供了合适的概念和分析工具来探索过去十年来俄罗斯社会和政治进程中出现的政治现象。社会心理学最擅长处理集体情绪,并允许将怨恨、国耻和集体受害者等情感问题纳入政治分析。它还使人们能够从集体的角度来欣赏和探索政治领导现象。
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引用次数: 0
Political ethnography and Russian studies in a time of conflict 冲突时期的政治民族志与俄罗斯研究
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-24 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2151275
Jeremy Morris
ABSTRACT As reliable and unfiltered access to Russia and Russians becomes a fraught issue for social scientists who wish to conduct surveys, focus groups, do ethnographies, or interview elite actors, the war presents scholars with an opportunity to reflect on questions of what data collection means, and on better communication between quantitative and qualitative scholars. Similarly, it forces us confront the extractive and colonial nature of knowledge production; the war reveals how social science has always relied on, but not really acknowledged, the labor of native scholars, but can no longer ignore indigenously produced work, particularly qualitative research. In this review piece, the author highlights both blind spots in the potential communication between political scientists and other social scientists, and already-existing points of connection that can be further expanded, precisely because of, not despite the war.
摘要对于那些希望进行调查、焦点小组、民族志研究或采访精英行为者的社会科学家来说,可靠和未经过滤地接触俄罗斯和俄罗斯人成为一个令人担忧的问题,这场战争为学者们提供了一个反思数据收集意味着什么以及定量和定性学者之间更好沟通的机会。同样,它迫使我们面对知识生产的采掘和殖民性质;这场战争揭示了社会科学是如何一直依赖但没有真正承认本土学者的劳动的,但不能再忽视本土生产的工作,尤其是定性研究。在这篇评论文章中,作者强调了政治科学家和其他社会科学家之间潜在沟通的盲点,以及已经存在的可以进一步扩大的联系点,正是因为战争,而不是尽管战争。
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引用次数: 8
Fear of punishment as a driver of survey misreporting and item non-response in Russia and its neighbors 对惩罚的恐惧是俄罗斯及其邻国调查误报和项目不回应的驱动因素
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-23 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2150490
W. Reisinger, Marina Zaloznaya, Byung-Deuk Woo
ABSTRACT Following its February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the Russian government sharply broadened what actions were illegal and raised the level of punishment. Many more topics of interest to survey researchers became politically sensitive. Questions about these topics may generate high levels of misleading responses and question-specific (item) non-responses, both of which introduce biases that undermine inference. We use survey data from 2015 and 2018 in Russia and neighboring countries to illustrate how these two problems were already issues prior to the invasion, especially for questions that invoked potential punishment by the state. In a climate of heightened state punishment, it becomes even more important to address misresponse and item non-response when interpreting survey data. We argue that, in addition to employing list experiments regularly and taking advantage of recent innovations in their design, scholars must develop ways to reduce item non-response and model how it biases estimates of interest.
摘要2022年2月入侵乌克兰后,俄罗斯政府大幅扩大了非法行为的范围,并提高了惩罚级别。调查研究人员感兴趣的更多话题变得政治敏感。关于这些主题的问题可能会产生高度的误导性回答和特定问题(项目)的非回答,这两种回答都会引入破坏推理的偏见。我们使用2015年和2018年在俄罗斯和邻国的调查数据来说明这两个问题在入侵之前就已经是问题了,尤其是那些可能受到国家惩罚的问题。在国家惩罚力度加大的环境下,在解释调查数据时,解决回应不当和项目不回应变得更加重要。我们认为,除了定期使用列表实验并利用其设计中的最新创新外,学者们还必须开发减少项目无反应的方法,并对其如何偏离兴趣估计进行建模。
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引用次数: 8
Exogenous shock and Russian studies 外源性休克与俄罗斯研究
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-23 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2148814
V. Gel’man
ABSTRACT The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 was a major exogenous shock, which greatly affected the scholarly field of Russian studies. Not only did some previous theoretical lenses and analytic approaches become outdated, but the intellectual and institutional infrastructure of scholarship in Russian studies also faced major challenges. In a sense, these changes were similar to the effects of the exogenous shock of the Soviet collapse on scholarship, albeit in the opposite direction in political terms. The article focuses on the need to search for new scholarly solutions for research into Russian politics and society amid major political, economic, and social deterioration and a high level of uncertainty. It will also critically reconsider previous achievements and shortcomings of Russian studies as well as their relevance in a post-2022 world. Some suggestions for reframing of the research agenda in Russian studies in the wake of recent developments are discussed.
摘要2022年2月俄罗斯入侵乌克兰是一次重大的外生冲击,极大地影响了俄罗斯研究的学术领域。不仅以前的一些理论视角和分析方法已经过时,而且俄罗斯研究学术的知识和制度基础也面临着重大挑战。从某种意义上说,这些变化类似于苏联解体对学术的外生冲击,尽管在政治方面方向相反。这篇文章的重点是在政治、经济和社会严重恶化以及高度不确定性的情况下,为研究俄罗斯政治和社会寻找新的学术解决方案的必要性。它还将批判性地重新考虑俄罗斯研究以往的成就和不足,以及它们在2022年后世界中的相关性。讨论了在最近的发展之后,对俄罗斯研究中的研究议程进行重新定义的一些建议。
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引用次数: 7
Branching out or inwards? The logic of fractals in Russian studies 向外扩张还是向内扩张?俄国研究中的分形逻辑
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2147382
Tomila Lankina
ABSTRACT This essay reflects upon the consequences of Russia’s war against Ukraine on the sub-field of Russian studies in political science. I argue that the war has exposed some blind spots in our knowledge. Notably, it has left us struggling to understand the historically deprived communities in Russia whose values, sentiments, and vulnerabilities may be indirect buttresses to both support for Putin and the war. I discuss two key issues in the sub-field: (1) the elite-centered approaches in research in mainstream work on Russia, not least due to data availability preoccupations; and (2) the paucity of inter-disciplinary perspectives, particularly the reluctance of mainstream studies to cast their nets into history and sociology. Disciplinary pressures – the credibility revolution – complicate a historically sensitive revision of long-internalized assumptions. I draw on my recent work on the historical underpinnings of social structure and its implications for civil society, protest, and support for democracy in Russia.
摘要本文在俄罗斯政治学研究的子领域反思了俄罗斯对乌克兰战争的后果。我认为战争暴露了我们知识上的一些盲点。值得注意的是,这让我们很难理解俄罗斯历史上被剥夺的社区,他们的价值观、情感和脆弱性可能是支持普京和战争的间接支柱。我讨论了该子领域的两个关键问题:(1)俄罗斯主流研究中以精英为中心的方法,尤其是由于数据可用性问题;以及(2)缺乏跨学科的视角,特别是主流研究不愿将其网络投向历史和社会学。纪律压力——信誉革命——使长期内化的假设的历史敏感修正变得复杂。我借鉴了我最近关于社会结构的历史基础及其对俄罗斯公民社会、抗议和支持民主的影响的工作。
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引用次数: 11
Credibility revolution and the future of Russian studies 可信度革命与俄罗斯研究的未来
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2148446
A. Libman
ABSTRACT The credibility revolution transformed quantitative social sciences and was both a curse and a blessing for Russian studies. On the one hand, Russia turned out to be an attractive field for experimentalist research, which allowed Russian studies to gain unprecedented recognition in the broader disciplines. On the other hand, a focus on causal identification could have contributed to insufficient attention to potentially important topics relevant for understanding Russia and to some aspects of the Russian setting able to augment the general social science discourse. The war in Ukraine makes many causal identification designs used for studying Russia (with the exception of natural experiments) difficult or impossible to implement. It may make the return to other approaches and de-emphasizing causal identification necessary, at least to some extent. At the same time, the question remains of how the general social science disciplines will perceive such shift in focus.
可信度革命改变了定量社会科学,对俄罗斯研究来说是祸也是福。一方面,俄罗斯被证明是一个具有吸引力的实验主义研究领域,这使得俄罗斯研究在更广泛的学科中获得了前所未有的认可。另一方面,对因果识别的关注可能会导致对与理解俄罗斯相关的潜在重要主题的关注不足,以及对能够扩大一般社会科学话语的俄罗斯环境的某些方面的关注不足。乌克兰战争使得许多用于研究俄罗斯的因果识别设计(自然实验除外)难以或不可能实施。至少在某种程度上,它可能会使我们回到其他方法,不再强调因果关系的识别。与此同时,一般社会科学学科将如何看待这种焦点转移的问题仍然存在。
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引用次数: 10
期刊
Post-Soviet Affairs
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