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‘Much better than earlier’: dam-building in Uganda and understanding development through the past “比以前好多了”:乌干达的大坝建设和对过去发展的理解
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1950751
Joanna Nayler
ABSTRACT This article illustrates that development discourses are historically constructed and contingent, demonstrating the value of adopting a discursive and historical approach to development projects. It juxtaposes recent and late-colonial Ugandan dam-building, using Owen Falls and Bujagali dams respectively, to bring the past and present into conversation. Focusing on history as the representation of past events shows how actors’ articulation of development tropes is intimately linked with historical associations and claims, and how actors use recent history to advance contemporary aims while discussing development. For example, critiques of contemporary situations are strengthened through unfavourable comparison with a romanticised past, and development planners justify their actions by presenting development projects as different from previous interventions. This historical lens identifies findings that an approach focused on the present might miss, including the ways the late-colonial government emphasised the small-scale nature of its projects and positive remembrances of Owen Falls in contemporary Uganda (in spite of the project not achieving its objectives); large-scale development projects should therefore not only be analysed from the perspective of their ostensible failure. This approach also illustrates how ideas of development are articulated differently in different historical contexts, including more individualised and divergent applications in the contemporary period.
摘要本文阐述了发展话语是历史建构和偶然的,展示了对发展项目采用话语和历史方法的价值。它将乌干达最近和晚期的殖民大坝建设并置,分别使用欧文瀑布和布贾加里大坝,将过去和现在带入对话。关注历史作为过去事件的代表,表明行动者对发展比喻的表达如何与历史联想和主张密切相关,以及行动者如何在讨论发展的同时利用近代历史来推进当代目标。例如,通过与浪漫化的过去进行不利的比较,对当代情况的批评得到了加强,发展规划者通过将发展项目与以前的干预措施不同来证明他们的行动是合理的。这一历史视角确定了专注于当下的方法可能会错过的发现,包括已故殖民政府强调其项目的小规模性质的方式,以及对当代乌干达欧文瀑布的积极回忆(尽管该项目没有实现其目标);因此,大型发展项目不应只从表面上失败的角度来分析。这种方法还说明了发展思想在不同的历史背景下是如何以不同的方式表达的,包括在当代更加个性化和多样化的应用。
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引用次数: 2
When watchdogs fight back: resisting state surveillance in everyday investigative reporting practices among Zimbabwean journalists 当监管机构反击:在津巴布韦记者的日常调查报道中抵制国家监控
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1949119
Allen Munoriyarwa
ABSTRACT The recognition that digital surveillance is becoming ubiquitous has prompted varied responses from targeted groups. This article explores the ways through which journalists resist state-driven digital surveillance in Zimbabwe. It is based on in-depth qualitative interviews with practising journalists, sampled from the print media. The article utilises panopticon theory, which holds that victims of surveillance alter their behaviour upon the realisation of being surveilled. The interviews were subjected to thematic analysis. The article finds, among other issues, that as forms of resistance to surveillance, journalists in Zimbabwe now reduce their ‘digital footprints’ and have started to re-think the spaces in which they engage with their sources. The article argues that journalists, as a discursive community, should keep the issue of state surveillance on the mainstream agenda and maintain both organised and ad-hoc forms of resistance as ways of ‘speaking back to the state’. Conscientising the public can, possibly, provide a positive starting point for responsible, transparent and fair regulation of state surveillance practices and assist in ‘fencing off’ state intrusion in the field of journalism. In addition, journalists should push for legislation that protects their news sources.
摘要数字监控正变得无处不在,这一认识促使目标群体做出了不同的反应。本文探讨了津巴布韦记者抵制国家驱动的数字监控的方式。它基于对执业记者的深入定性采访,这些采访是从印刷媒体中取样的。这篇文章运用了全景理论,认为监视的受害者在意识到被监视后会改变自己的行为。对访谈进行了专题分析。文章发现,除其他问题外,作为对监视的抵抗形式,津巴布韦的记者现在减少了他们的“数字足迹”,并开始重新思考他们与消息来源接触的空间。文章认为,记者作为一个散漫的群体,应该将国家监控问题列入主流议程,并保持有组织和临时形式的抵抗,作为“向国家发声”的方式。公众的责任感可以为负责任、透明和公平地监管国家监控行为提供一个积极的起点,并有助于“阻止”国家在新闻领域的入侵。此外,记者应该推动立法保护他们的新闻来源。
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引用次数: 7
Dissent as cybercrime: social media, security and development in Tanzania 持不同政见者是网络犯罪:坦桑尼亚的社交媒体、安全和发展
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1952797
Charlotte Cross
ABSTRACT In the context of increasing interest in the relationship between digital communications and authoritarian politics, this paper considers the criminalisation of online dissent in Tanzania. Based on interviews with police officers, local government officials and mobile phone users, the paper explores contested framings and understandings of “cybercrime”. It argues that contemporary repression of online freedoms can be understood within longer histories of social and political ordering, whereby understandings and experiences of “security” and “development”, and the relationships they imply between government and citizens, are implicated in the delegitimisation of dissent. However, it also finds that social media use enables and amplifies articulation of opposition to repressive measures and may destabilise the politics of security and development that inform the policing of online spaces and politics more broadly. The paper thus contributes, firstly, to understanding the ambiguous and contingent relationships between information and communications technologies and politics in particular places. Secondly, by analysing debates about internet freedom it offers insights into broader negotiations over politics, security and development, which are in turn rendered more urgent by the disruptive impact of new modes of communication.
摘要在人们对数字通信与威权政治之间的关系越来越感兴趣的背景下,本文考虑了坦桑尼亚对网络异见人士的刑事定罪。本文通过对警察、地方政府官员和手机用户的采访,探讨了对“网络犯罪”有争议的框架和理解。它认为,当代对网络自由的压制可以在更长的社会和政治秩序史中理解,因此,对“安全”和“发展”的理解和体验,以及它们所暗示的政府和公民之间的关系,都与异议的非法化有关。然而,它也发现,社交媒体的使用能够并放大对镇压措施的反对,并可能破坏安全和发展政治的稳定,而安全和发展是更广泛地监管网络空间和政治的基础。因此,本文首先有助于理解信息和通信技术与特定地区政治之间的模糊和偶然关系。其次,通过分析关于互联网自由的辩论,它可以深入了解关于政治、安全和发展的更广泛谈判,而新的通信模式的破坏性影响反过来又使这些谈判变得更加紧迫。
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引用次数: 6
The strategic internationalism of Rwandan heritage 卢旺达传统的战略国际主义
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1952796
A. Bolin
ABSTRACT Heritage, a practice shot through with political forces, is mobilized by states within their international relationships through methods such as heritage diplomacy. Focusing on the connections between Rwanda and Germany, this article traces how heritage serves as a technique of foreign relations for the Rwandan state. The uses of heritage are shaped by the state’s higher-level political orientations, especially the project of agaciro, which pursues an agenda of increased sovereignty for Rwanda in relation to the rest of the world. This conditions how ‘shared heritage’ and heritage repatriation contribute to establishing strategic alliances and decolonizing, making heritage part of a suite of tools used to advantageously reposition the country in the international arena. The article deepens our understanding of the Rwandan state’s governing techniques and examines heritage’s role as a mediator of international relationships, even for less-powerful nations whose agency is sometimes neglected in discussions of heritage diplomacy.
摘要遗产是一种通过政治力量进行的实践,是各国在其国际关系中通过遗产外交等方法动员起来的。本文聚焦于卢旺达和德国之间的联系,追溯了遗产如何成为卢旺达国家对外关系的一种技巧。遗产的使用是由该国更高级别的政治取向决定的,特别是agaciro项目,该项目致力于提高卢旺达与世界其他地区的主权。这就决定了“共享遗产”和遗产遣返如何有助于建立战略联盟和非殖民化,使遗产成为一套工具的一部分,这些工具用于在国际舞台上有利地重新定位国家。这篇文章加深了我们对卢旺达国家治理技术的理解,并考察了遗产作为国际关系调解人的作用,即使是对于那些在遗产外交讨论中有时被忽视的不那么强大的国家来说也是如此。
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引用次数: 1
‘Developmental nationalism?’ Political trust and the politics of large-scale land investment in Magufuli's Tanzania “发展民族主义?马古富力的坦桑尼亚大规模土地投资的政治信任和政治
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1951944
Atenchong Talleh Nkobou, A. Ainslie
ABSTRACT Research on large-scale land investments (LSLIs) can provide valuable insights into the support for developmental nationalism in Tanzania today. ‘Developmental nationalism’ is ‘a creative variant of liberation’, which purports to make ‘Tanzania great again’. The nationalist turn of late President Magufuli was grounded in political ideology and the selective history of the past that swept him to power. However, there is limited research on how political practice around land investments contribute to trust and support for public institutions. This paper makes two key contributions to scholarship on the political economy of LSLIs. First, we examine the messy politics of LSLIs, the failures in design and implementation, and the rise in local support for developmental nationalism in two rural settings in Tanzania. Second, using Latent Class Analysis (LCA), we identify distinct groups of individuals based on their trust in the President, the ruling party (CCM), the Tanzania Investment Centre (TIC) and support for LSLIs. We define political trust as ‘an evaluative orientation towards an institution or government, based on people's normative expectations’.
对大规模土地投资(LSLIs)的研究可以为当今坦桑尼亚对发展民族主义的支持提供有价值的见解。“发展民族主义”是“解放的一种创造性变体”,声称要让“坦桑尼亚再次伟大”。已故总统马古富力的民族主义转向是建立在政治意识形态和选择性的过去历史的基础上的,这些历史将他推上了权力宝座。然而,关于围绕土地投资的政治实践如何促进对公共机构的信任和支持的研究有限。本文对LSLIs政治经济学的学术研究做出了两项重要贡献。首先,我们研究了LSLIs的混乱政治,设计和实施的失败,以及坦桑尼亚两个农村地区对发展民族主义的当地支持的上升。其次,使用潜在阶级分析(LCA),我们根据对总统、执政党(CCM)、坦桑尼亚投资中心(TIC)的信任和对lsli的支持来识别不同的个人群体。我们将政治信任定义为“基于人们的规范性期望,对一个机构或政府的评估取向”。
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引用次数: 5
‘Off to Sugar Valley’: the Kilombero Settlement Scheme and ‘Nyerere's People’, 1959–69 “去糖谷”:基隆贝罗定居点计划和“尼雷尔人民”,1959–69
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1938812
J. Jackson
ABSTRACT Despite colonial echoes, settlement schemes represent a major element in ‘nation-building’ endeavours in Tanzania's history. Their evolution through the 1960s was circuitous and haphazard. This article explores the origins of one of the earliest schemes linked to Julius Nyerere and TANU: the Kilombero Settlement Scheme (KSS). It traces its origins from 1959 and ragged progress over the subsequent decade before its eventual transmutation under Ujamaa. Nyerere personally promoted KSS and its basic premise in sending unemployed men from cities to uncleared countryside to grow sugar cane for sale to a local factory. The scheme's extended trajectory reveals its palimpsestic nature through a history layered by different approaches to the reorganisation of rural life in Tanzania. This was an embryonic testing ground, both in terms of the politics of resettlement and of funding development projects of this kind. For one of the surviving settlers, they were ‘Nyerere's People’ as ideologies met practical realities. KSS was flawed but resilient. For its failures more than its successes, it became an important model in Tanzania's programme of social development for understanding the challenges of rural transformation.
尽管有殖民主义的回声,但定居计划代表了坦桑尼亚历史上“国家建设”努力的主要因素。它们在20世纪60年代的演变是迂回而偶然的。本文探讨了与朱利叶斯·尼雷尔和塔努有关的最早的计划之一:基隆贝罗定居计划(KSS)的起源。它的起源可以追溯到1959年,在随后的十年里,它在乌贾马的统治下最终发生了变化。尼雷尔亲自推广了KSS,它的基本前提是把失业的男人从城市送到未开垦的农村种植甘蔗,然后卖给当地的工厂。该方案的延伸轨迹揭示了其改写的本质,通过不同的方式重组了坦桑尼亚农村生活的历史。这是一个试验场,在重新安置的政治和资助这类发展项目方面都是如此。对于一名幸存的定居者来说,他们是“尼雷尔的人”,因为意识形态遇到了现实。KSS有缺陷,但有弹性。由于它的失败多于成功,它成为坦桑尼亚社会发展方案中理解农村转型挑战的一个重要模式。
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引用次数: 3
Editorial announcement 编辑公告
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1920240
Emma Hunter, Jason Mosley, R. Vokes
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引用次数: 0
Mobile hearings in the Eastern DRC: prosecuting international crimes and implementing complementarity at national level 刚果民主共和国东部流动听证会:起诉国际犯罪和在国家一级实施互补性
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1913700
Bilge Sahin
ABSTRACT Through the complementarity principle of the International Criminal Court, international criminal law enforcement is transferred from international courts to national courts. This has led to an increase of international actors’ focus on national courts to achieve international criminal justice. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) presents a significant example to examine the prosecution of international crimes by national courts and international actors’ support to Congolese legal system to promote complementarity and international criminal justice. International actors provide assistance to mobile hearings to prosecute international crimes and to implement complementarity at the national level in the eastern DRC. This article explores mobile hearings through their role in implementing complementarity in the DRC and international and national influences on mobile hearings regarding the prosecution of international crimes. The main argument is that although mobile hearings are significant to bring justice closer to local communities and increase the visibility of justice in remote and rural areas, their independence is in question as a result of the selective interest of international actors and political interferences coming from Congolese political and military elites.
摘要通过国际刑事法院的互补性原则,国际刑事执法从国际法院转移到国家法院。这导致国际行为体更加重视国家法院,以实现国际刑事司法。刚果民主共和国(DRC)为审查国家法院对国际犯罪的起诉以及国际行为体对刚果法律体系的支持提供了一个重要的例子,以促进互补性和国际刑事司法。国际行为者为流动听证会提供援助,以起诉国际犯罪,并在刚果民主共和国东部国家一级实现互补性。本文探讨了流动听证会在刚果民主共和国实施互补性方面的作用,以及国际和国家对国际犯罪起诉流动听证会的影响。主要论点是,尽管流动听证会对于使司法更接近当地社区和提高偏远和农村地区司法的知名度具有重要意义,但由于国际行为者的选择性利益以及刚果政治和军事精英的政治干预,其独立性受到质疑。
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引用次数: 0
Real governance of the COVID-19 crisis in the Great Lakes region of Africa 非洲大湖区COVID-19危机的真正治理
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1913704
A. Bashizi, An Ansoms, Guillaume Ndayikengurutse, Romuald Adili Amani, Joel Baraka Akilimali, Christian Chiza, I. Karangwa, Laurianne Mobali, E. Mudinga, David Mutabesha, R. Niyonkuru, Joseph Nsabimana, Aymar Nyenyezi Bisoka, Emmanuelle Piccoli
ABSTRACT During the COVID-19 crisis in Africa, several contradictory discourses have tried to predict how the continent will experience the pandemic. Based on a qualitative approach, this article goes beyond generalized and arbitrary predictions and analyzes how three countries in the Great Lakes region of Africa have managed the pandemic. We first analyze which measures the respective governments of the three countries – and their decentralized authorities – have taken. We also analyze up to which extend international prescriptions – as propagated by the World Health Organization – have influenced their choices. Second, we analyze how government measures have transformed throughout implementation and interacted with the specific circumstances of each context. Authorities, on the one hand, navigated between rigid and more flexible interpretation of national prescriptions, entering into practical arrangements or adopting force. Populations on the other hand have resorted to acceptance, circumvention, contestation or resistance. Our research ultimately points to the way in which political dynamics, resistance, violence, and local redefine both national policies and their international reference frames. In this way, the governance dynamics of the COVID-19 pandemic in the African Great Lakes region provide a lens through which we can complexify our understandings of real governance in Africa.
在非洲COVID-19危机期间,一些相互矛盾的话语试图预测非洲大陆将如何经历这场大流行。基于定性方法,本文超越了广义和武断的预测,并分析了非洲大湖区的三个国家如何管理这一流行病。我们首先分析这三个国家各自的政府——以及它们的权力下放机构——采取了哪些措施。我们还分析了世界卫生组织宣传的国际处方在多大程度上影响了他们的选择。其次,我们分析了政府措施在实施过程中是如何转变的,并与每种情况的具体情况相互作用。一方面,当局在对国家规定的严格解释和更灵活的解释之间游走,作出实际安排或采取强制措施。另一方面,人们采取了接受、回避、争论或抵抗的办法。我们的研究最终指出了政治动态、抵抗、暴力和地方重新定义国家政策及其国际参考框架的方式。通过这种方式,非洲大湖地区2019冠状病毒病大流行的治理动态为我们提供了一个视角,通过这个视角,我们可以使我们对非洲真正治理的理解更加复杂。
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引用次数: 6
State identity narratives and threat construction in the Horn of Africa: revisiting Ethiopia's 2006 intervention in Somalia 非洲之角的国家认同叙事与威胁建构:回顾2006年埃塞俄比亚对索马里的干预
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1907704
Katharina Newbery
ABSTRACT The Ethiopian military intervention to remove the Union of Islamic Courts from Mogadishu in December 2006 has been interpreted in overlapping narratives of historical-religious conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia, proxy war with Eritrea, and counter-terrorism. This article adds another: the Ethiopian government's own dominant narrative of danger at the time. Based on a discourse analysis of materials generated during a year of fieldwork in Addis Ababa, the article explores how Ethiopia's political leadership constructed developments in Somalia as an existential threat to the Ethiopian state. It argues that the language and actions of specific actors were presented as threatening the idea of the post-1991 Ethiopian state and, more specifically, the foundational narrative with which the EPRDF-led Ethiopian government sought ontological security for Ethiopia as a distinct political community and international actor. By focusing on the relationship between processes of collective identity formation and perceptions of (in)security, this article highlights the role of state identity narratives for understanding evolving threat perceptions and their political implications in the Horn of Africa.
摘要2006年12月,埃塞俄比亚为将伊斯兰法院联盟从摩加迪沙撤出而进行的军事干预,被解读为埃塞俄比亚和索马里之间的历史宗教冲突、与厄立特里亚的代理人战争以及反恐的重叠叙事。这篇文章补充了另一条:埃塞俄比亚政府当时对危险的主导叙事。基于对在亚的斯亚贝巴进行的一年实地调查中产生的材料的话语分析,本文探讨了埃塞俄比亚的政治领导层如何将索马里的事态发展视为对埃塞俄比亚国家的生存威胁。它认为,特定行为者的语言和行动威胁到了1991年后埃塞俄比亚国家的理念,更具体地说,威胁到了EPRDF领导的埃塞俄比亚政府作为一个独特的政治团体和国际行为者为埃塞俄比亚寻求本体安全的基本叙事。通过关注集体身份形成过程与安全感知之间的关系,本文强调了国家身份叙事在理解非洲之角不断演变的威胁感知及其政治含义方面的作用。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Eastern African Studies
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