Journal of Public Affairs最新文献

There has been recent scholarly interest in the concept of political CSR, which occurs when multinational firms engage in activities that were often perceived as functions of government. One question that has emerged is whether the motivations for such activity are normative or instrumental. In what we believe to be a first of its kind study adopting a novel approach to this research, we use linguistic analysis of texts to determine the values of firm CEOs and then use these data as a basis to determine what motivates political CSR. We find that the instrumental explanation of the activity better describes the motivations underlying this activity.

Compared to economic and social factors, political factors play an important role in achieving environmental sustainability goals. Furthermore, an adequate understanding of the impact of political factors on environmental degradation can contribute positively to slowing the pace of climate change by guiding climate policy. This study examines the role of globalization, democracy, and political corruption on ecological footprint and material footprint based on the Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) hypothesis in the selected 15-Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries over the period between 2001 and 2021 employing advanced panel data analysis. The empirical findings suggest that (i) the EKC hypothesis is valid in MENA countries in terms of material footprint, that is, GDP has an inverted U-shaped relationship with material footprint (the turning point of the EKC is 83.173.522.697$), but ecological footprint increases monotonically with GDP based on random effects (RE) estimation results with robust standard errors. However, the Method of Moments Quantile Regression (MMQR) estimation revealed that the EKC hypothesis is valid in terms of ecological footprint for lower quantiles; (ii) globalization increases the ecological and material footprints, that is, it threatens environmental sustainability; (iii) the development of democracy decreases the ecological and material footprints, that is, democracy contributes to environmental sustainability; (iv) the increase in political corruption boosts the ecological footprint and, as an interesting result, decreases the material footprint. To the end, the findings will provide a qualified contribution to the emergency action plans that need to be prepared for authorities, policymakers, and decision makers in the MENA countries to prevent climate change. Indeed, policies developed to prevent climate change should be multi-dimensional.

This paper contributes to the research on the triple helix model of innovation by examining the effect of regional absorptive capacity and the presence of government-established science and technology parks (STPs) on patenting activities in India. Using negative binomial regression on 24 selected states in India during 2000–2020, our study shows that a region's absorptive capacity in the form of business research and development (R&D) expenditure and university count and the number of STPs are crucial for regional innovation. Regions with higher business R&D expenditure and the number of academic institutes experience higher patenting activity. It also shows a positive relationship between the number of STPs in a region and regional patent applications, indicating the importance of knowledge networks for regional innovation. However, contrary to expectations, the moderating effect of STPs on the nexus between absorptive capacity and regional innovation turns out to be negative. The empirical evidence suggests that, while the actors of the triple helix individually have a positive impact, their combined effect on regional innovation is reduced. Our findings indicate the need for tailored policy measures to enhance regional absorptive capacity and improve collaborations between the actors of the triple helix.

This article delves into the underlying nature of the 1962 Sino–Indian conflict, exploring its genesis as an outcome driven by Cold War geopolitics rather than solely arising from the boundary dispute preceding the brief border war. While the border dispute has traditionally been regarded as the primary hurdle in normalising relations between the two nations, it is crucial to closely examine the origins of the Sino–Indian conflict within the broader context of Cold War geopolitics. Employing critical theory in international relations for discourse analysis of the border conflict, examination of declassified documents in recent decades and the latest research on Sino–India relations, this article challenges the prevailing narrative that has endured for over six decades. The study illuminates the complex factors and the role played by the United States, offering fresh insights into the multifaceted dynamics that shaped the Sino–Indian conflict beyond the realm of the boundary dispute.

While migration is a largely discussed form of labor mobility, internal return migration of workers has not received much attention. Individuals return to their native or previous place either for reasons related to work, distress, or family. Not only are they returning to a place that is familiar to them in terms of language, culture, and society, but also, they may have acquired some skills before returning. Therefore, labor market outcomes for return migrants are likely to differ from those of nonmigrants, who are otherwise similar to each other in most aspects. Against this context, the paper compares the earnings of internal return migrants with nonmigrants in India using the Periodic Labor Force Survey 2020–21. To this end, the study performs ordinary least square estimation by sector (rural and urban), gender, age cohorts, and employment activity status (self-employed, regular salaried, casual labor). As part of robustness analysis, it also uses the propensity score matching method. Both the exercises suggest that internal return migrants, on average, experience an earnings penalty in rural areas but a premium in urban areas. Also, a regular salaried internal return migrant experiences an earnings premium irrespective of the location (rural or urban). The earning pattern for men largely imitates the overall pattern. However, the earnings differential between female internal return migrants and nonmigrants is not significant as most of them migrate because of reasons other than work, like marriage. The findings of this study have significant implications, as what individuals do and how much they earn upon their return have direct consequences on the employment and income distribution of any region.

A gush of capital has been siphoning out of the dominating trade bloc—BRICS in recent times. Against the backdrop of a rising trend in capital flight and scant literature on BRICS concerning this issue, this study explores the linkages between capital flight and physical extraction of natural resources while controlling for the political factors, such as governance effectiveness, state fragility index, and high casualty terrorist bombings on capital flight from these nations. We use the panel data spanning from 2003 to 2020 and employ a set of regression techniques like fixed effect, Driscoll–Kraay, and bias corrected method of moments (BCMM). The BCMM regression results indicate that a one unit increase in terrorism is associated with a 0.7% increase in capital flight, and a one-unit increase in non-metallic extractions is associated with a 10.6% increase in capital flight, with statistical significance at 1% and 5% levels respectively. Similarly, the findings of Fixed effect and Driscoll–Kraay confirm the robustness of BCMM regression output. Considering the importance of governance and political factors, our results endorse better governance effectiveness in reducing non-metal resources extractions and frame counter-terrorism strategies in restricting resident capital outflows.