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Iran’s uprisings for ‘Women, Life, Freedom’: Over-determination, crisis, and the lineages of revolt 伊朗为“妇女、生命、自由”而发动的起义：过度的决心、危机和反抗的根源

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231159351

Eskandar Sadeghi-Boroujerdi

This article explores the manifold lineages of crisis and revolt currently afflicting the Islamic Republic of Iran, most recently bursting forth in the 2022/2023 national uprisings where women-led mass protests and forceful rejection of mandatory veiling laws captured global attention. This interdisciplinary piece of research, bringing together several different theoretical approaches and historical literatures, interrogates and reflects upon what I call following Stuart Hall a ‘conjunctural crisis’ along the four major axes of (1) gender oppression and social reproduction; (2) the ethnocentric, dominative, and centralising nation-state and the still unresolved ‘ethno-national question’; (3) ‘religious democracy’ and the impasse of the Reform movement; and (4) authoritarian neoliberalism and the Islamic Republic’s political economy of predation. The article aims to show not only how these distinct crises have longer and more complicated lineages than might initially appear to be the case but also demonstrate how they have mutually constituted and shaped one another over the course of several decades, constituting part of a larger political and social system. Moreover, it aspires to provide a systematic and historically contextualised account of ongoing emancipatory struggles for democratic rights and liberation in today’s Iran.

这篇文章探讨了目前困扰伊朗伊斯兰共和国的危机和叛乱的多种谱系，最近一次爆发在2022/2023年的全国起义中，妇女领导的大规模抗议和对强制性面纱法的强烈反对引起了全球的关注。这项跨学科的研究汇集了几种不同的理论方法和历史文献，沿着四个主轴（1）性别压迫和社会再生产，对我所说的斯图尔特·霍尔之后的“联合危机”进行了质疑和反思；（2）以民族为中心的、支配性的、中央集权的民族国家和尚未解决的“民族问题”；（3） “宗教民主”和改革运动的僵局；以及（4）独裁新自由主义和伊斯兰共和国的掠夺政治经济。这篇文章不仅旨在展示这些不同的危机是如何比最初看起来更长、更复杂的谱系的，而且还展示了它们是如何在几十年的过程中相互构成和塑造的，构成了一个更大的政治和社会体系的一部分。此外，它渴望提供一个系统的、历史背景化的描述，描述当今伊朗正在进行的争取民主权利和解放的解放斗争。

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引用次数: 2

Writing a constitution without parties? The programmatic weakness of party-voter linkages in the Chilean political change 制定一部没有政党的宪法?智利政治变革中政党与选民联系的纲领弱点

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231158073

Fabián Belmar, Mauricio Morales, B. Villarroel

In 2020 Chile began a constitution-making process that will culminate in writing a new constitution through a 155-member constitutional convention. The Chilean party system is often described as one of the most institutionalised in Latin America, so the election results of the convention’s members were even more surprising. Of the 155 people elected, only 50 (32.2%) are party members, 41 (26.4%) are independents adopted as candidates by a party, 48 (30.9%) are independents outside a party, and 17 (10.9%) are representatives of indigenous peoples, all of them independents. Compared to proximate legislative elections, the number of independent candidates (ICs) and winners was substantially higher. We suggest that this increase was not only due to a political climate of growing distrust of parties but also to an electoral law that allowed ICs to form electoral apparentments with one another, thus combining their votes and increasing their chances of success, especially in low-income municipalities of the capital.

2020年，智利开始了制宪进程，最终将通过155名成员的制宪会议编写一部新宪法。智利的政党制度通常被描述为拉丁美洲最制度化的政党制度之一，因此大会成员的选举结果更令人惊讶。在155名当选的人中，只有50人(32.2%)是党员，41人(26.4%)是被政党提名为候选人的独立人士，48人(30.9%)是无党派人士，17人(10.9%)是土著人民的代表，他们都是独立人士。与临近的立法选举相比，独立候选人和获胜者的数量要多得多。我们认为，这一增长不仅是由于对政党日益不信任的政治气候，而且也是由于选举法允许土著人彼此组成选举团，从而将他们的选票结合起来，增加他们成功的机会，特别是在首都的低收入城市。

引用次数: 0

Monitoring digital election campaigns: Assessing the transparency ecosystem in the United Kingdom 监测数字竞选活动：评估英国的透明度生态系统

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-03-14 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231156084

K. Dommett, S. Power

Digital election campaigning has undergone increased levels of scrutiny in recent years, with numerous calls for improved transparency. One key innovation has been the creation of online advertising archives offered by social media platforms such as Facebook, Google, and Snapchat. In this article, we compare what we know about digital campaigning in the United Kingdom from official election returns and Facebook and Google’s online advertising archives. We analyse whether both transparency sources provide agreed standards of completeness, consistency, accuracy, and accessibility. We find that – despite the United Kingdom having an effectively world-leading transparency regime – this is not the case. We therefore consider a number of potential reforms to increase knowledge of the workings of campaigns at the national level.

近年来，数字竞选活动受到了越来越多的审查，许多人呼吁提高透明度。一项关键创新是创建了由Facebook、谷歌和Snapchat等社交媒体平台提供的在线广告档案。在这篇文章中，我们比较了我们从官方选举报告、脸书和谷歌的在线广告档案中对英国数字竞选活动的了解。我们分析这两个透明度来源是否提供了完整性、一致性、准确性和可访问性的商定标准。我们发现，尽管英国拥有一个有效的世界领先的透明度制度，但事实并非如此。因此，我们考虑进行一些潜在的改革，以增加对国家一级运动运作的了解。

引用次数: 0

The UK, the EU, and COVID-19: Media reporting, the recontextualisation of Eurosceptic discourse, and the fait accompli of Brexit. 英国、欧盟和新冠肺炎：媒体报道、欧洲怀疑论话语的重新文本化和英国脱欧的既成事实

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/02633957221122322

Paul Copeland, Marzia Maccaferri

This article analyses the relationship between the COVID-19 pandemic and the evolving United Kingdom (UK) Eurosceptic discourse in the context of the UK's departure from the European Union (EU). It applies a mixed-method approach of content analysis and critical discourse analysis of newspaper reporting of the EU's handling of the pandemic vis-à-vis the UK during the first lockdown and the rollout of the vaccination programme. During the first lockdown, UK newspapers opted for muted politicisation and polarisation - they downplayed the success of strategies within the EU Member States, but attacked the EU. While during the vaccination rollout they shifted to vocal politicisation and vaccine nationalism which praised the UK, heavily criticised the EU and claimed the EU's Member States suffered as a result of EU incompetence. Against this backdrop the COVID-19 pandemic has put into motion a self-reinforcing discursive shift in which the UK's ability to go it alone not only justifies Brexit, but serves to prove that it will be a success.

本文分析了在英国脱欧背景下，新冠肺炎大流行与英国疑欧论之间的关系。它采用内容分析和批判性话语分析的混合方法，对欧盟在第一次封锁和推出疫苗接种计划期间对英国处理流感大流行的报纸报道进行分析。在第一次封锁期间，英国报纸选择了低调的政治化和两极分化——他们淡化了欧盟成员国内部战略的成功，但攻击了欧盟。而在疫苗推广期间，他们转向了口头政治化和疫苗民族主义，赞扬英国，严厉批评欧盟，并声称欧盟成员国因欧盟的无能而遭受损失。在这种背景下，COVID-19大流行引发了一种自我强化的话语转变，在这种转变中，英国独立行动的能力不仅证明了脱欧的合理性，而且证明了脱欧将取得成功。

引用次数: 0

Economic development, corruption, and income inequality: The role of the informal sector 经济发展、腐败和收入不平等:非正规部门的作用

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-01-28 DOI: 10.1177/02633957221148951

Mathew Y. H. Wong

This article investigates how the relationship between economic development and income inequality is conditioned by corruption and the informal sector. While corruption has traditionally been believed to worsen inequality through resource concentration, this study suggests that it can also lead to the opposite through the informal sector. In countries with a high level of corruption or a large informal sector, individuals can bypass regulations and barriers by offering bribes or participating in the informal economy; this allows the benefits of economic development to be widely distributed, thereby reducing inequality. The reverse is true when corruption is low or the informal sector is small. However, at low levels of economic development, an increase in informal economy or corruption alone would not lead to a more egalitarian distribution without an economic expansion. The arguments are supported with a time-series cross-sectional analysis of 127 countries from 1964 to 2007. This study contributes to the literature by clarifying the relationship between corruption and the informal sector and how they affect inequality jointly with economic development.

本文研究了腐败和非正规部门如何制约经济发展和收入不平等之间的关系。虽然腐败传统上被认为会通过资源集中加剧不平等，但这项研究表明，它也可能通过非正规部门导致相反的结果。在腐败程度高或非正规部门规模大的国家，个人可以通过行贿或参与非正规经济来绕过法规和障碍；这使得经济发展的利益能够得到广泛分配，从而减少了不平等。当腐败率较低或非正规部门规模较小时，情况正好相反。然而，在经济发展水平较低的情况下，如果没有经济扩张，非正规经济的增加或腐败本身就不会导致更平等的分配。这些论点得到了1964年至2007年127个国家的时间序列横断面分析的支持。这项研究通过澄清腐败与非正规部门之间的关系，以及它们如何与经济发展共同影响不平等，为文献做出了贡献。

引用次数: 1

Do people in authoritarian countries have lower standards when evaluating their governments? An anchoring vignettes approach 专制国家的人民在评价政府时是否有较低的标准?锚定的小插曲方法

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-01-15 DOI: 10.1177/02633957221144010

Y. Zhou

Why do people in authoritarian countries think more positively of their governments than people in democratic countries? Existing research suggests three explanations: (1) people in authoritarian countries lie; (2) people in authoritarian countries are indoctrinated; and (3) authoritarian governments have better performance than their democratic counterparts. In this study, I explore a fourth explanation – people in authoritarian countries apply lower standards. To test it, I apply the anchoring vignettes method developed by Gary King and others to original data from China, Vietnam, Russia, Mexico, and the United States, and from the cities of Beijing and Taipei. Adding a case study of Taiwan’s economic trajectory as a robustness check, I conclude that people in authoritarian countries tend to use lower standards when reporting political trust and government responsiveness, but the lower standards are likely to be caused by fast economic growth rather than authoritarianism.

为什么专制国家的人比民主国家的人更积极地看待他们的政府?现有研究提出了三种解释:(1)专制国家的人说谎;(2)专制国家的人被灌输思想;(3)威权政府比民主政府有更好的表现。在这项研究中，我探索了第四种解释——专制国家的人们采用较低的标准。为了验证它，我将Gary King和其他人开发的锚定小片段方法应用于来自中国、越南、俄罗斯、墨西哥和美国以及北京和台北等城市的原始数据。通过对台湾经济轨迹的案例研究作为稳健性检验，我得出结论，威权国家的人们在报告政治信任和政府反应时倾向于使用较低的标准，但较低的标准可能是由快速的经济增长而不是威权主义造成的。

引用次数: 1

Violent infrastructure, nationalist stigmatisation and spatial erasure 暴力基础设施、民族主义污名化和空间抹杀

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-01-12 DOI: 10.1177/02633957221148070

Somdeep Sen

This article studies the violent politics of stigmatisation and erasure of nationalist urban infrastructure. In general, urban infrastructure is a mechanism of state power. But, through the case of the imposing presence of Turkish nationalist infrastructure in the Kurdish city Diyarbakir, it demonstrates that when tied to an antagonistic nationalist political project, this infrastructure is often purposefully built to violently cleanse urban spaces of the national “other”. Be it a statue, a mural or a picture of a nationalist leader – this infrastructure is incapable of inflicting physical pain. Nonetheless, its violence is symbolic and meant to have a real effect on Diyarbakir’s Kurds’ ability and willingness to identify as Kurds. That said, violence does not entirely inform the spatial experience of those targeted by this nationalist infrastructure. The article demonstrates that Kurdish residents also found ways of remaining unaffected, even treating the infrastructure laden with Turkish nationalist iconography as a reminder of their own Kurdish identity. This article thus expands our understanding of what nationalist infrastructure does. It may be designed to be violent. However, it also reveals itself to be a site of contestation – equally inspiring the persistence of the counter-narrative of the national “other”.

本文研究了民族主义城市基础设施的污名化和抹杀的暴力政治。一般来说，城市基础设施是一种国家权力机制。但是，通过土耳其民族主义基础设施在库尔德城市迪亚巴克尔的强势存在，这表明，当与敌对的民族主义政治项目联系在一起时，这种基础设施往往是有目的地建造的，目的是暴力清除城市空间中的民族“他者”。无论是雕像、壁画还是民族主义领袖的照片，这种基础设施都无法造成身体上的痛苦。尽管如此，它的暴力是象征性的，旨在对迪亚巴克尔的库尔德人认同库尔德人的能力和意愿产生真正的影响。也就是说，暴力并不能完全告知那些被这种民族主义基础设施袭击的人的空间体验。这篇文章表明，库尔德居民也找到了保持不受影响的方法，甚至将充满土耳其民族主义肖像的基础设施视为对他们自己库尔德身份的提醒。因此，本文扩展了我们对民族主义基础设施作用的理解。它可能被设计成暴力的。然而，它也揭示了自己是一个争论的场所——同样激发了国家“他者”反叙事的持久性。

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引用次数: 0

The effect of employment on attendance: A response to ‘Identifying and understanding the drivers of student engagement’ 就业对出勤率的影响:对“识别和理解学生参与的驱动因素”的回应

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-01-12 DOI: 10.1177/02633957221148067

Chris Hanretty

I challenge Strong’s findings that student employment is not related to attendance. I argue that the original analysis is guilty of controlling for a post-treatment variable. As a result, the coefficients in the regression model do not show how employment causes changes in attendance. I show that employment likely has a negative effect on attendance even given severe confounding. Academics should, if asked, tell students that their attendance will likely suffer the more paid work they do.

我对斯特朗关于学生就业与出勤率无关的发现提出了质疑。我认为最初的分析控制了处理后的变量。因此，回归模型中的系数并没有显示就业如何导致出勤率的变化。我表明，即使有严重的混淆，就业也可能对出勤率产生负面影响。如果被问到，教师应该告诉学生，他们的出勤率可能会受到更高收入工作的影响。

引用次数: 1

Some further reflections on the effect of employment on attendance 关于就业对出勤率影响的再思考

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1177/02633957221148068

J. Strong

I offer some further reflections on the relationship between student employment and classroom engagement, in response to Hanretty’s discussion of my original article on the topic. First, I note that the data we’d ideally need to study this relationship properly doesn’t exist. Second, I suggest that Hanretty and I are pursuing subtly differing goals – he seeks the best estimate of a statistical relationship, while I am trying to make practical policy recommendations at the level of an academic department. Third, I gently push back against Hanretty’s injunction against the use of a post-treatment variable in my original paper, noting that there are good theoretical reasons for thinking my original argument – that not all hours of employment affect attendance equally – should work. Finally, I conclude that while it is true that students who work more hours are less likely to engage well with their studies, this relationship is conditional in part on factors that academic departments might realistically be able to influence.

我就学生就业和课堂参与度之间的关系提供了一些进一步的思考，以回应汉莱蒂对我的原创文章的讨论。首先，我注意到，我们理想地研究这种关系所需的数据并不存在。其次，我认为汉莱蒂和我追求的目标略有不同——他寻求对统计关系的最佳估计，而我试图在学术部门的层面上提出切实可行的政策建议。第三，我温和地反驳了汉莱蒂反对在我的原始论文中使用后处理变量的禁令，并指出，有很好的理论理由可以证明我最初的论点——并非所有工作时间对出勤率的影响都是一样的——应该成立。最后，我得出的结论是，虽然工作时间更长的学生确实不太可能很好地投入到学习中，但这种关系在一定程度上取决于学术部门可能实际能够影响的因素。

引用次数: 0

The capitalist virus 资本主义病毒

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2022-11-07 DOI: 10.1177/02633957221131754

Sandro Mezzadra, Brett Neilson

Borders and mobilities have played key roles in the transformations of capitalism that have accompanied the COVID-19 pandemic. We attempt to distinguish novel developments in the control of movements of bodies, labour, and capital from processes of renationalisation, financialisation, and platformisation that were in train before the outbreak. Focusing on logistical techniques and technologies that govern the global circulation of people and things, this article explores the spatial shifts and ruptures that have marked the capitalist crisis occasioned by the pandemic. We give empirical attention to movements and struggles of migration in China, India, the Americas, and the Mediterranean.

在伴随COVID-19大流行的资本主义变革中，边界和流动性发挥了关键作用。我们试图将控制身体、劳动力和资本流动的新发展与疫情爆发前已在进行的再国有化、金融化和平台化过程区分开来。本文聚焦于控制人与物的全球流通的物流技术和技术，探讨了大流行引发的资本主义危机的空间转移和破裂。我们对中国、印度、美洲和地中海地区的移民运动和斗争给予实证关注。

引用次数: 0

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