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COVID capitalism: The contested logistics of migrant labour supply chains in the double crisis COVID 资本主义：双重危机下有争议的移民劳工供应链物流

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2024-02-19 DOI: 10.1177/02633957241229377

Stephan Scheel, Soledad Álvarez Velasco, Nicholas De Genova

The introduction to the special issue (SI) lays out the agenda and key concepts of the SI ‘COVID Capitalism: The Contested Logistics of Migrant Labour Supply Chains in the Double Crisis’. The contributions to the SI focus on the reconfiguration of the means and methods of the exploitation of migrant labour during the COVID-19 pandemic and the related reorganisation of contemporary border and migration regimes. They all focus, more or less explicitly, on the adaptation and reorganisation of migrant labour supply chains which were disrupted through the ‘double crisis’ of public health and existing border and mobility regimes during the COVID-19 pandemic. In this way, the SI seeks to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of COVID-capitalism, understood as a form of disaster capitalism, in which fractions of capital try to turn the multiple crises implicated by the pandemic into a source of profit. If and how they succeed with these endeavours is, however, not guaranteed from the outset but an empirical question. The study of migrant labour supply chains does thus not only help to develop a more nuanced understanding of disaster capitalism but also contributes to debates on the logistification of migration management.

特刊（SI）导言阐述了特刊 "COVID 资本主义：双重危机下有争议的移民劳工供应链物流"。本专题（SI）的文章重点关注 COVID-19 大流行期间剥削移民劳工的手段和方法的重新配置，以及当代边境和移民制度的相关重组。它们都或多或少地明确关注移民劳动力供应链的调整和重组，这些供应链在 COVID-19 大流行期间因公共卫生和现有边境及流动制度的 "双重危机 "而受到破坏。通过这种方式，《社会科学国际》力图帮助人们更细致地理解 COVID 资本主义，将其理解为一种灾难资本主义形式，在这种资本主义形式中，部分资本试图将疫情带来的多重危机转化为利润来源。然而，这些努力能否成功以及如何成功，从一开始就无法保证，而是一个经验问题。因此，对移民劳工供应链的研究不仅有助于对灾难资本主义形成更细致入微的理解，还有助于对移民管理物流化的讨论。

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引用次数: 0

Unpacking the politics of ‘sportswashing’: It takes two to tango 揭秘“体育丑闻”的政治:探戈需要两个人一起跳

3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231207387

Jonathan Grix, Adam Dinsmore, Paul Michael Brannagan

The concept of ‘sportswashing’ serves as a short-hand way of criticising non-democratic regimes for using investment in sport, sports clubs, and sports events to detract from illiberal practices in their home countries. This article makes a contribution to the extant literature and debates on ‘sportswashing’ in three key ways by (1) showing that, paradoxically, without the encouragement and opportunities afforded by notionally democratic global capitalism and the ‘West’, ‘sportswashing’ strategies would not be available to non-democratic regimes; (2) highlighting the ‘mechanisms’ by which ‘sportswashing’ actually occurs and how it ought to be understood as an initial step on a long-term journey towards ‘soft power’ gains. The article does this by (3) examining two empirical examples of ‘sportswashing’: first, the 2022 Qatar World Cup and the broader international sports investment strategies pursued by Qatar and Saudi Arabia. Second, we introduce the WWE partnership with Saudi Arabia to demonstrate that ‘sports washing’ can be rendered bidirectional such that both participants reap a reputational boost, inverting the presumed reputational damage that otherwise constitutes the main disincentive to participation by Western capital. Such a process embeds non-democratic regimes in the sports industry leading to their becoming ‘normalised’ in international business.

“体育洗白”的概念是批评非民主政权利用对体育、体育俱乐部和体育赛事的投资来减损其本国的不自由做法的一种简略方式。本文以三个关键的方式对现存的关于“体育清洗”的文献和辩论做出了贡献:(1)表明，矛盾的是，如果没有名义上民主的全球资本主义和“西方”提供的鼓励和机会，“体育清洗”战略将无法用于非民主政权;(2)强调“体育欺诈”实际发生的“机制”，以及如何将其理解为获得“软实力”的长期旅程的第一步。本文通过(3)研究两个“体育清洗”的实证例子来做到这一点:首先，2022年卡塔尔世界杯以及卡塔尔和沙特阿拉伯追求的更广泛的国际体育投资战略。其次，我们介绍了WWE与沙特阿拉伯的合作伙伴关系，以证明“体育洗涤”可以是双向的，这样双方参与者都可以获得声誉提升，扭转了假定的声誉损害，否则将构成西方资本参与的主要障碍。这一过程将非民主政权嵌入体育产业，导致他们在国际商业中变得“正常化”。

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引用次数: 1

Ideology, organisation, and path dependency: The use of violence among Egyptian Islamist movements 意识形态、组织和路径依赖：埃及伊斯兰运动中的暴力使用

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231195456

Bruno Schmidt-Feuerheerd

Does ideology prevent social movements from resorting to violence? Structuralist, organisational, or political economy theories are widely agnostic on the relationship between ideology and the use of violence. In contrast, this article argues that founding ideologies indirectly shape social movements’ long-run decisions regarding the use violence, primarily by influencing the kind of individuals who join the movement to begin with. A path dependency develops as new members reinforce the initial ideology, as individuals who might tip the ideological-organisational equilibrium towards utilising new tactics join other organisations instead. Over time, ideology morphes from being initially an endogenous factor into an exogenous constraint how the group can behave. The article compares the mainstream Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB), al-Jama‘a al-Islamiyya (IG) and the Jihad Organisation (JO), studying individual biographies, the groups’ recruitment patterns and their corresponding ideologies. The article thereby explains why the MB, with some minor exceptions, remained committed to non-violent activism, in contrast with the JO that resorted to violent means only and the IG that applied both violent and non-violent means. In the conclusion, the article addresses cases in Algeria and Madagascar to indicate the relevance of this argument beyond Egyptian Islamist movements to future comparative work.

意识形态是否阻止社会运动诉诸暴力？结构主义、组织主义或政治经济学理论对意识形态和暴力使用之间的关系普遍持不可知论态度。相比之下，本文认为，创始意识形态间接影响了社会运动关于使用暴力的长期决策，主要是通过影响最初加入运动的个人。路径依赖随着新成员强化最初的意识形态而发展，因为可能将意识形态组织平衡推向使用新策略的个人会加入其他组织。随着时间的推移，意识形态从最初的内生因素演变为群体行为的外生约束。这篇文章比较了主流的埃及穆斯林兄弟会（MB）、伊斯兰圣战组织（IG）和圣战组织（JO），研究了个人传记、这些组织的招募模式及其相应的意识形态。因此，文章解释了为什么除了一些小的例外，MB仍然致力于非暴力激进主义，而JO只采用暴力手段，IG同时采用暴力和非暴力手段。在结论中，文章介绍了阿尔及利亚和马达加斯加的案例，以表明埃及伊斯兰运动之外的这一论点与未来的比较工作的相关性。

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引用次数: 0

Polarisation over the meaning of democracy: The case of political parties in Turkey 民主意义的两极分化:以土耳其政党为例

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231191445

Sema Akboga, O. Şahin, E. Arik

As the primary means of political organisation, political parties remain vital to contemporary democracies, making it important to investigate their understanding of democracy. This study explores the themes with which five largest political parties in Turkey associate democracy. We studied tweets posted by official accounts of these parties’ headquarters and branches, as well as by other Twitter accounts that are institutionally linked to these parties. We found significant differences between the government bloc and the opposition bloc as well as between People Alliance and Nation Alliance in terms of the themes with which they associate democracy. The government bloc and People Alliance use themes such as national will and military coups while referring to democracy. The opposition bloc and Nation Alliance emphasise themes such as equality, freedom of the press, and justice. We conclude that parties’ and blocs’ different attitudes towards democracy are indicators of political polarisation in Turkey.

作为政治组织的主要手段，政党对当代民主仍然至关重要，因此调查他们对民主的理解非常重要。本研究探讨了土耳其五大政党与民主相关的主题。我们研究了这些政党总部和分支机构的官方账户发布的推文，以及与这些政党有制度联系的其他Twitter账户。我们发现，政府集团和反对派集团之间，以及人民联盟和民族联盟之间，在与民主有关的主题方面存在显著差异。执政集团和国民联合在提及民主主义时，经常以“国民意志”、“军事政变”等为主题。反对党集团和民族联盟强调平等、新闻自由和正义等主题。我们的结论是，政党和团体对民主的不同态度是土耳其政治两极分化的指标。

引用次数: 0

From the screens to the streets? Social media use and participation in the Yellow Vests protests 从屏幕到街道？社交媒体在黄背心抗议活动中的使用和参与

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231185225

Caterina Froio, Xavier Romero‐Vidal

This article takes the Yellow Vests (YVs, Gilets Jaunes) movement as a case in point to study the mechanisms by which social media can enhance protest participation. Building on the literature on social media and protest behaviour, we study the association between different political experiences on social media and protest engagement. We rely on novel survey data from the project YELLOWPOL collected in France in 2019 during a period characterised by the mobilisation of the YVs. We find that individuals’ experiences on social media play a role in connecting general social media use with their participation in protests. Specifically, we show that simply using social media cannot predict protest behaviour, but seeking content from the accounts of decision-makers and activists and using social media to express opinions contributes to protest participation. These findings enhance the understanding of the individual-level mechanisms linking social media use and protest behaviour in first-wave democracies, expanding existing knowledge on the use and consequences of Internet-mediated technology on political participation and political change.

本文以黄背心运动为例，研究社交媒体增强抗议参与的机制。在关于社交媒体和抗议行为的文献的基础上，我们研究了社交媒体上的不同政治经历与抗议参与之间的联系。我们依赖于2019年在法国收集的YELLOWPOL项目的新调查数据，该期间的特点是YV的动员。我们发现，个人在社交媒体上的经历在将一般社交媒体的使用与他们参与抗议活动联系起来方面发挥了作用。具体而言，我们表明，仅仅使用社交媒体无法预测抗议行为，但从决策者和活动家的账户中寻求内容，并使用社交媒体表达意见，有助于参与抗议。这些发现增进了对第一波民主国家中社交媒体使用和抗议行为之间联系的个人层面机制的理解，扩大了关于互联网技术的使用及其对政治参与和政治变革的影响的现有知识。

引用次数: 0

Venezuelan migrants in delivery platform work during the COVID-19 pandemic in Buenos Aires, Argentina: Between exploitability, precariousness, and daily resistance. 新冠肺炎大流行期间，委内瑞拉移民在阿根廷布宜诺斯艾利斯的送货平台工作：在可利用性、不稳定性和日常抵抗之间

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231186908

Héctor Fabio Bermúdez Lenis

In this article, we analyse the working conditions of Venezuelan migrants, who participate in delivery work in Argentina, based on a conceptual discussion on the 'precarisation' processes of migrant workers in the countries of the global south. The labour conditions of workers in South America have historically deteriorated for several decades, but its effects have intensified after the COVID-19 pandemic. This analysis is focused on the dynamics of Venezuelan migrant labour within digital platforms in Buenos Aires, contrasting data obtained between 2019 and 2020 from two surveys and interviews conducted with this population. Drawing upon contributions from the sociology of migration and the sociology of work, this article seeks to understand how irregularised migrants employed in the platform work, at the intersection of super-exploitation and super-exposure to contagion, have been brutally affected by the expansion of delivery work.

在这篇文章中，我们分析了委内瑞拉移民的工作条件，他们在阿根廷从事快递工作，基于对全球南方国家移民工人“风险前化”过程的概念性讨论。几十年来，南美洲工人的劳动条件历史性地恶化，但在新冠肺炎大流行后，其影响加剧。这项分析的重点是布宜诺斯艾利斯数字平台内委内瑞拉移民劳动力的动态，对比了2019年至2020年间对这一人群进行的两次调查和采访获得的数据。本文借鉴了移民社会学和工作社会学的贡献，试图了解在平台工作中就业的非正规移民，在超级剥削和超级传染的交叉点，是如何受到快递工作扩张的残酷影响的。

引用次数: 0

Self-sustainment dynamics in armed groups systems: Understanding the post–Havana Agreement conflict in Colombia. 武装团体系统中的自我维持动态:理解哥伦比亚《哈瓦那协定》后的冲突。

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231181043

Oscar Palma

Despite the demobilisation of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), armed groups continue to exist in Colombia perpetuating conflict and violence, many of them motivated by the profits of illicit economies, including narco-trafficking. As a contribution to explanations on the continuity of internal conflict, this article explains the idea of ‘self-sustainment dynamics’ in a system of armed groups and structures, with Colombia as a case study. It assumes that the post-FARC scenario of armed agents needs to be observed as a complex adaptive system where several types of armed structures come together. It argues that self-sustainment dynamics are a consequence of the reaccommodation of structures within the system as they adapt to stimuli from the environment and to key decision and actions of individuals within the structures. It seeks to motivate comparisons with other cases of internal conflict where illicit economies have a significant weight.

尽管哥伦比亚革命武装力量（FARC）已经复员，但武装团体在哥伦比亚仍然存在，使冲突和暴力持续存在，其中许多团体的动机是非法经济的利润，包括贩毒。作为对内部冲突连续性的解释的贡献，本文以哥伦比亚为例，解释了武装团体和结构体系中“自我维持动态”的概念。它假设武装人员的后哥伦比亚革命武装力量场景需要作为一个复杂的适应性系统来观察，其中几种类型的武装结构结合在一起。它认为，自我维持动力学是系统内结构重新商品化的结果，因为它们适应来自环境的刺激以及结构内个人的关键决策和行动。它试图促使人们将其与非法经济具有重大影响力的其他内部冲突案件进行比较。

引用次数: 0

Economic and mobility repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Chile-Bolivia border. COVID-19大流行对智利-玻利维亚边境的经济和流动性影响

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231178526

Nanette Liberona, Carlos Piñones-Rivera

This article analyzes how the pandemic caused by the coronavirus (COVID-19) has impacted international migration. In particular, we compare the mobility and economic repercussions faced by Bolivian and Venezuelan migrants. We conducted 16 semi-structured interviews with migrants who requested legal and social support and advice provided by the Open Assembly of Migrants and Pro-Migrants of Tarapacá, Chile (AMPRO), an organisation dedicated to defending migrant rights. The Bolivian interviewees worked in Chile before the pandemic in the city of Iquique (close to the Bolivian border). The Venezuelan interviewees are undocumented people in transit who entered Chile during the pandemic. Through this comparison, we describe the economic repercussions on the everyday life, mobility, and survival strategies of people in transit, transboundary workers, and migrants with transnational families, and reveal a realignment of Chile's border regime that benefits post-pandemic capitalism. Furthermore, we clarify how the health restrictions implemented due to the pandemic have favoured the reconfiguration of the border regime imposed in Chile, through a racist immigration policy based on the control and management of migration, leading to a greater irregularization of migration.

本文分析了由冠状病毒(COVID-19)引起的大流行如何影响国际移民。我们特别比较了玻利维亚和委内瑞拉移民所面临的流动性和经济影响。我们对移民进行了16次半结构化访谈，这些移民要求智利塔拉帕ac移民和亲移民公开大会(AMPRO)提供法律和社会支持和建议，这是一个致力于捍卫移民权利的组织。玻利维亚受访者在大流行之前在智利的伊基克市(靠近玻利维亚边境)工作。委内瑞拉受访者是在大流行期间进入智利的过境无证人员。通过这种比较，我们描述了对过境人员、跨境工人和跨国家庭移民的日常生活、流动性和生存策略的经济影响，并揭示了智利边境制度的重新调整，这有利于大流行后的资本主义。此外，我们澄清了由于大流行病而实施的卫生限制是如何通过基于移民控制和管理的种族主义移民政策，有利于重新配置在智利实施的边境制度，从而导致更大程度的非法移民。

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引用次数: 0

Disruptive protest, civil disobedience & direct action 破坏性抗议、公民抗命和直接行动

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-06-05 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231176999

Oscar Berglund

Disruptive protest has become increasingly studied and promoted across the social sciences, not least in relation to climate protests. This paper asks what the rationale and effects of disruptive protest are. It argues that disruptive protest carries a prefigurative legitimacy, envisaging a more democratic and just society while aiming for broader appeal and legitimacy rendered by liberal discourses. The paper takes a political theory perspective through both the literature on civil disobedience and the anarchist literature on direct action. It then explores how the key attributes of these literatures render legitimacy to the practices and discourses of two social movements that have made widespread use of disruptive protest in recent years: the Spanish anti-eviction movement Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH) and the mainly British climate change movement Extinction Rebellion (XR).

破坏性抗议在社会科学中得到了越来越多的研究和推广，尤其是在气候抗议方面。本文询问破坏性抗议的理由和影响是什么。它认为，破坏性抗议具有预先设定的合法性，设想一个更加民主和公正的社会，同时争取自由主义话语所带来的更广泛的吸引力和合法性。本文通过对公民抗命的研究和对直接行动的无政府主义研究，从政治理论的角度进行了分析。然后，它探讨了这些文献的关键属性如何使近年来广泛使用破坏性抗议的两个社会运动的实践和话语具有合法性：西班牙反驱逐运动Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca（PAH）和主要是英国的气候变化运动Extinction Rebellion（XR）。

引用次数: 2

Working with politics ‘students as partners’ to engender student community: Opportunities and challenges 与“政治学生作为合作伙伴”共同创造学生社区:机遇与挑战

IF 1.8 3区社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Politics

Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1177/02633957231173372

Donna Smith

Research suggests that creating communities of learning (academic and social) leads to a better Higher Education (HE) experience for students, which, in turn, makes it more likely that they will persist in their studies. The concept of ‘student community’ in HE has become more prominent of late, partly due to the UK Government’s emphasis on retention. One way in which student community can be engendered is by working with ‘students as partners’ in their learning: students work with academics and each other to create and extend their learning, which, in turn, has a positive impact on student community and retention. This article discusses the opportunities and challenges of working with ‘students as partners’ within a Politics HE disciplinary context. In particular, it summarises an Open University Politics student engagement project, part of the University’s partnership with UK Parliament. In doing so, the article has implications for Politics HE practice generally, and online Politics HE practice in particular, and makes recommendations for working with Politics ‘students as partners’ within the current UK HE policy environment.

研究表明，创建学习社区(学术和社会)可以为学生带来更好的高等教育(HE)体验，这反过来又使他们更有可能坚持学习。“学生社区”的概念最近在高等教育中变得更加突出，部分原因是英国政府强调留用。形成学生社区的一种方式是在学习中与“学生作为合作伙伴”一起工作:学生与学者以及彼此合作，创造和扩展他们的学习，这反过来又对学生社区和保留率产生积极影响。本文讨论了在政治高等教育学科背景下与“学生作为合作伙伴”一起工作的机遇和挑战。特别值得一提的是，它总结了开放大学政治学生参与项目，这是该大学与英国议会合作的一部分。在这样做的过程中，这篇文章对政治高等教育的实践，特别是在线政治高等教育的实践有一定的影响，并提出了在当前英国高等教育政策环境下与政治学生作为合作伙伴合作的建议。

引用次数: 0

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