Pub Date : 2024-09-03DOI: 10.1177/02633957241245895
Stathis N Kalyvas
Forty years after its publication, Theda Skocpol’s States and Social Revolutions confronts us with a series of questions: Are social revolutions different today compared with 50 years ago, and if yes in what ways and why? What is the state of the study of Revolutions in political science and sociology? More generally, how do we understand and relate to social revolutions in the post-Cold War world? Why do we pay more attention to civil wars now compared with then – and vice versa? If the 40th anniversary of Theda Skocpol’s path-breaking book forces these questions on us, answering them opens up fundamental concerns about how we approach the study of social phenomena and the way we are embedded, as social scientists, into the politics of our world.
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Pub Date : 2024-08-28DOI: 10.1177/02633957241276065
Siobhan O’Neill
Through an exploration of the experiences and narratives of racially minoritised students, in this article, I argue that Politics curricula in the United Kingdom can largely be defined as epistemologically ignorant as a result of whiteness and Western-centrism. While there is a growing body of scholarship that has drawn attention to the whiteness and coloniality of Politics curricula, little, if any, has considered this from the perspective of racially minoritised students of Politics. This article addresses this gap in the literature and serves to prompt the Politics disciplines to look inwards and interrogate how whiteness and colonial logics continue to shape the study of Politics while also offering recommendations for curricula change based on students’ lived experiences. After briefly defining ‘the curriculum’, I outline the ways in which racially minoritised students defined Politics curricula as white and/or Western-centric and epistemologically ignorant. I then consider the role of teaching staff in curricula design and delivery and the potential for teaching practices to challenge curricula. Finally, before concluding, I explore what decolonising or ‘widening’ Politics curricula entails from the perspective of students.
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Pub Date : 2024-08-03DOI: 10.1177/02633957241267754
David Arter, Corentin Poyet
This article seeks to contribute to the electoral and party politics debate in three main ways. The first is the claim that parachuting politicians into districts in which they have no prior connections is not a nomination practice that is the exclusive preserve of plurality electoral systems, nor does it necessarily engender the critical reaction of carpetbagging in the United States or ‘captain’s picks’ in Australia. Second, the practice of parachutage is tied to the personalisation literature but, in contrast to this literature, the article views [parachute] personalisation and party as complementary and mutually reinforcing rather than contradictory. Parachute personalisation serves party-based representative democracy rather than attenuates it. Third, the article questions the undue focus in the personal vote literature on a candidate’s personal-vote-seeking attributes. Rather, in concentrating on the transferability of the parachute vote as an electoral resource, the generic term ‘personal vote’ is viewed as comprising a mélange of party-vote-earning attributes – inter alia name-recognition and reputational status as a party office-holder – and personal-vote-earning attributes – name-recognition from outside party politics (sport, music, etc.). The central question addressed runs: When and why in an intraparty preference voting system – Finland is the focus – is parachute personalisation practised and with what result?
{"title":"‘Importing’ the personal vote to maximise the party vote? ‘Parachute personalization’ in an intraparty preference electoral system","authors":"David Arter, Corentin Poyet","doi":"10.1177/02633957241267754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02633957241267754","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to contribute to the electoral and party politics debate in three main ways. The first is the claim that parachuting politicians into districts in which they have no prior connections is not a nomination practice that is the exclusive preserve of plurality electoral systems, nor does it necessarily engender the critical reaction of carpetbagging in the United States or ‘captain’s picks’ in Australia. Second, the practice of parachutage is tied to the personalisation literature but, in contrast to this literature, the article views [parachute] personalisation and party as complementary and mutually reinforcing rather than contradictory. Parachute personalisation serves party-based representative democracy rather than attenuates it. Third, the article questions the undue focus in the personal vote literature on a candidate’s personal-vote-seeking attributes. Rather, in concentrating on the transferability of the parachute vote as an electoral resource, the generic term ‘personal vote’ is viewed as comprising a mélange of party-vote-earning attributes – inter alia name-recognition and reputational status as a party office-holder – and personal-vote-earning attributes – name-recognition from outside party politics (sport, music, etc.). The central question addressed runs: When and why in an intraparty preference voting system – Finland is the focus – is parachute personalisation practised and with what result?","PeriodicalId":47206,"journal":{"name":"Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141969921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-31DOI: 10.1177/02633957241259135
Luca Carrieri, Marco Morini
In the past two decades, radical right parties gained ground, becoming relevant political actors in several European countries. This article presents an intriguing study on their voting preferences in Western Europe. It analyses whether and to what extent the effect of the distance between individual and party positions on the European Union, immigration and the Left–Right positioning has changed over time (between 2009 and 2019). This is examined by combining data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the European Election Studies. The results suggest that the distance between Left–Right self-positioning and party position has become more important in explaining voting for radical right parties over time.
在过去二十年中，激进右翼党派逐渐壮大，成为多个欧洲国家的重要政治力量。本文对激进右翼政党在西欧的投票偏好进行了深入研究。文章分析了随着时间的推移（2009 年至 2019 年），个人与政党在欧盟、移民和左右定位上的立场距离是否发生了变化，以及变化的程度如何。研究结合了来自 Chapel Hill 专家调查和欧洲选举研究的数据。结果表明，随着时间的推移，左翼-右翼自我定位与政党立场之间的距离在解释激进右翼政党投票方面变得更加重要。
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Pub Date : 2024-06-24DOI: 10.1177/02633957241245898
Theda Skocpol
My first book, in many ways a lonely project at the time, is now part of a steadily growing body of comparative-historical scholarship in the social sciences. Studying socio-political changes of all kinds – including today’s democratic backsliding in the United States and beyond – is best done, as States and Social Revolutions helped to demonstrate, by probing and juxtaposing fully contextualised cases. It still makes sense for scholars to (directly or implicitly) compare historical trajectories, tease out the intersections of social inequalities and struggles over state power, and address the evolving global contexts as in local, regional, or national episodes play out. This way of studying political conflict and change is what I believe endures from States and Social Revolutions, as new generations of scholars go far beyond the arguments of that book born decades ago.
我的第一本书在很多方面在当时都是一个孤独的项目，但现在它已成为社会科学中稳步发展的比较历史学术研究的一部分。正如《国家与社会革命》（States and Social Revolutions）一书所证明的那样，研究各种社会政治变革--包括当今美国及其他国家的民主倒退--的最佳方法是通过探究和并置完全符合背景的案例。学者们（直接或隐含地）比较历史轨迹，找出社会不平等与国家权力斗争的交叉点，并在地方、地区或国家事件发生时探讨不断演变的全球背景，这仍然是有意义的。我认为，这种研究政治冲突和变革的方式正是《国家与社会革命》一书的精髓所在，因为新一代学者的研究远远超越了这本数十年前诞生的著作的论点。
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Pub Date : 2024-06-15DOI: 10.1177/02633957241263744
Martina Tazzioli
This article interrogates the reservations in the Left in Europe towards claims for freedom of movement and stay. The piece argues that an unequal right to desire – conceived as an aspiration move, to stay and to seek for a better life – underpins those criticisms and suggests that for developing counter-politics of migration, it is key to challenge such racialised predicament. The first section shows how expansive claims for equal access to mobility and the right to stay are discredited as utopian and non-realistic. The second section unsettles the politics of number that sustains public discourses on migration showing that this can be turned to the advantage of arguments in support of border controls. It moves on contending that a critique of racialising borders needs to unpack the unequal right to desire. The fourth section draws attention to the nexus between the disruption of futurity and the unequal right to desire and argues that this enables tracing connections between migrants and (some) citizens through the lens of dispossessed future. It suggests that the allegedly utopian character of claims for freedom of movement does not the depend on the failure of past struggles but on the unquestioned racialised right to desire
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Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.1177/02633957241259118
Francesco Melito
The ‘populist moment’ and the growing number of non-liberal discourses indicate that we are in the presence of a counter-hegemonic phase against the established liberal order involving several sites of ideological production. However, the analysis of these counter-revolutions still focuses on agency, looking mainly at political parties or leaders. This article tries to reverse this picture suggesting to look first at discourses as such to understand the contestation of the dominant worldview. Thus, it proposes a methodological platform for studying (counter-)hegemonic discourses that abandons agent-centrism. To achieve this goal, it introduces the notion of ‘ organic intellectuals of a discourse-coalition’, linking two concepts developed respectively by Antonio Gramsci and Maarten Hajer. This formula allows focusing on all actors articulating and propagating the same demands and discourse, regardless of their affiliation. Using this approach, a discourse-coalition may include parties or politicians as well as journalists or influencers as long as they exert an intellectual function, that is, they are able to mould common sense. By developing this formula, the article is aimed at researchers that use Poststructuralist Discourse Theory in the study of hegemonic discourses as it provides a sound justification for the selection of a valid and representative discourse-coalition.
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Pub Date : 2024-06-09DOI: 10.1177/02633957241259090
Nicole Curato, Septrin Calamba
What does it actually take to run a deliberative mini-public (DMP)? This article unmasks the taken-for-granted assumptions of one of the most popular democratic innovations in the past decade by applying their design features in fragile political contexts. Drawing on 3 years of fieldwork in communities recovering from armed conflict and police brutality in the Philippines, we identify foundational challenges to DMPs in relation to their core design features: sortition and long-form deliberation. Our goal in documenting these challenges is not to devalue DMPs but to spotlight limitations that cannot be overcome despite the best intentions. In so doing, this article hopes to advance an honest conversation about what these DMPs can reasonably achieve, as well as the harms they can potentially cause, especially in societies where precarity is the norm rather than the exception.
{"title":"Deliberative forums in fragile contexts: Challenges from the field","authors":"Nicole Curato, Septrin Calamba","doi":"10.1177/02633957241259090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02633957241259090","url":null,"abstract":"What does it actually take to run a deliberative mini-public (DMP)? This article unmasks the taken-for-granted assumptions of one of the most popular democratic innovations in the past decade by applying their design features in fragile political contexts. Drawing on 3 years of fieldwork in communities recovering from armed conflict and police brutality in the Philippines, we identify foundational challenges to DMPs in relation to their core design features: sortition and long-form deliberation. Our goal in documenting these challenges is not to devalue DMPs but to spotlight limitations that cannot be overcome despite the best intentions. In so doing, this article hopes to advance an honest conversation about what these DMPs can reasonably achieve, as well as the harms they can potentially cause, especially in societies where precarity is the norm rather than the exception.","PeriodicalId":47206,"journal":{"name":"Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141367546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-25DOI: 10.1177/02633957241245896
Anne Wolf
Scholars have mostly investigated the fall of dictatorships during the Arab Uprisings through the lens of contentious politics, uncovering new information about the protest dynamics and how they spread both within countries and throughout the wider region. However, the longer structural vulnerabilities within regimes have received little attention; yet such factors internal to states and their regimes proved paramount to the social revolutions investigated by Theda Skocpol. Focusing on the case of Tunisia, the author shows how the economic downturn and a succession crisis contributed to the decay of the Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali regime starting in the 2000s. Importantly, they heightened internecine conflicts within the regime and, in particular, within the longtime ruling party, the Constitutional Democratic Rally. It is through this backdrop that the events of the 2010–2011 Tunisian revolution must be understood: far from supporting the regime in times of crisis, members of Ben Ali’s ruling party engaged in contentious activities against him, thus crucially weakening the regime from within.
{"title":"Bringing the state back in: Ruling parties and regime collapse during the Arab Uprisings","authors":"Anne Wolf","doi":"10.1177/02633957241245896","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02633957241245896","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars have mostly investigated the fall of dictatorships during the Arab Uprisings through the lens of contentious politics, uncovering new information about the protest dynamics and how they spread both within countries and throughout the wider region. However, the longer structural vulnerabilities within regimes have received little attention; yet such factors internal to states and their regimes proved paramount to the social revolutions investigated by Theda Skocpol. Focusing on the case of Tunisia, the author shows how the economic downturn and a succession crisis contributed to the decay of the Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali regime starting in the 2000s. Importantly, they heightened internecine conflicts within the regime and, in particular, within the longtime ruling party, the Constitutional Democratic Rally. It is through this backdrop that the events of the 2010–2011 Tunisian revolution must be understood: far from supporting the regime in times of crisis, members of Ben Ali’s ruling party engaged in contentious activities against him, thus crucially weakening the regime from within.","PeriodicalId":47206,"journal":{"name":"Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140656900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-20DOI: 10.1177/02633957241245893
Marcus Kreuzer
Stein Rokkan and Barrington Moore revived comparative historical analysis (CHA) in Europe and the United States, respectively, during the 1960s without, however, elaborating its methodological underpinnings. Theda Skocpol’s State and Social Revolutions as well as her Visions and Methods Historical Sociology filled this gap. In her important essay with Margaret Somers, she identified three distinct strands of CHA that tackled macro-historical question in distinct but ultimately also complimentary ways. In doing so, she established the foundation for subsequent work on CHA methodology. The article elaborates the subsequent elaborations of Skopol and Somer’s CHA typology and the factors contributing to this evolution. It also underscores how many of those innovations were already implicit in Skocpol’s State and Social Revolutions even though she herself did not highlight it in her own methodological writings. Skocpol the empirical scholar thus turns out to have been methodologically more advanced than Skocpol the methodologist.
Stein Rokkan 和 Barrington Moore 在 20 世纪 60 年代分别在欧洲和美国复兴了比较历史分析（CHA），但没有详细阐述其方法论基础。Theda Skocpol 的《国家与社会革命》以及她的《历史社会学的愿景与方法》填补了这一空白。在她与玛格丽特-萨默斯（Margaret Somers）共同撰写的重要文章中，她指出了三股不同的历史社会学，它们以不同但最终也是互补的方式处理宏观历史问题。这样，她就为后来的 CHA 方法论工作奠定了基础。这篇文章阐述了斯科波尔和索默的 CHA 类型学的后续发展以及促成这一演变的因素。文章还强调了斯科波尔的《国家与社会革命》中已经隐含了许多创新，尽管她本人并未在自己的方法论著作中强调这一点。因此，实证学者斯科茨波尔在方法论上要比方法论学者斯科茨波尔更先进。
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