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Acta Politica最新文献

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Political elites and the democratic duty to trust the people 政治精英与信任人民的民主责任
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-01-10 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00323-5
Roberto Frega
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引用次数: 0
Social media and affective polarization: does Facebook news use fuel political in- and out-group affect in a multi-party context? 社交媒体与情感极化:在多党派背景下,Facebook 新闻的使用是否会助长政治内、外群体情感?
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-01-10 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00324-4
Patrick F. A. van Erkel, Peter van Aelst
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引用次数: 0
Beyond right and wrong: on the conditionality of dirty hands 超越是非:论脏手的条件性
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00320-8
Anthoula Malkopoulou, Siddhartha Kumar Dhar
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引用次数: 0
Political orientations and personal values among university lecturers in Europe 欧洲大学讲师的政治取向和个人价值观
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00318-2
Ian McAllister
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引用次数: 0
Direct democracy and equality: context is the key 直接民主和平等:语境是关键
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00316-4
Brigitte Geißel, Anna Krämling, Lars Paulus
Abstract Direct democratic instruments are increasingly applied in many European countries. They are subject to an ongoing public—and often highly controversial—debate. The question of how direct democracy relates to equality, i.e. if direct democratic instruments have the potential to foster equality or if they lead to more inequality, is crucial in this debate. Research has struggled to come up with a general answer to this question with scholars assuming equality as well as inequality-promoting effects of direct democratic outputs. In this paper, we try to shed new light on this controversial debate and argue that the impact of direct democracy on equality essentially depends on the social and political context in which the decisions take place. In order to examine the impact of context factors on direct democratic outputs, we first analyze the influence of country-specific variables such as the level of equality and the age of democracy—applying large-N multilevel logistic regressions. Yet, these statistical analyses offer no clear results: the effects of the country-specific variables are rather blurry and hard to make meaning of. The result suggests that other factors than the ones we included in the regressions are decisive for the effect of direct democratic instruments on equality. Therefore, in a second step, we demonstrate how country-and case-specific variables such as social and political characteristics impact the outcomes of direct democracy, using the same-sex marriage referendums in Ireland and Slovenia in 2015 as examples. We conclude that context factors are too complex to be grasped in a large-N, statistical analysis. This means that to understand how context influences the effects of direct democratic instruments on equality, for now, one has to go beyond the lens of statistical analysis and look at the respective cases in great depth and detail.
许多欧洲国家越来越多地采用直接民主手段。它们受到公众持续不断的争论,而且往往极具争议性。直接民主与平等之间的关系,即直接民主手段是否有可能促进平等,或者是否会导致更多的不平等,这一问题在这场辩论中至关重要。学者们一直在努力为这个问题找到一个笼统的答案,他们假设直接民主产出的平等和促进不平等的作用。在本文中,我们试图为这一有争议的辩论提供新的视角,并认为直接民主对平等的影响本质上取决于决策发生的社会和政治背景。为了检验背景因素对直接民主产出的影响,我们首先分析了国家特定变量的影响,如平等水平和民主年龄——应用大n多水平逻辑回归。然而,这些统计分析没有提供明确的结果:具体国家变量的影响相当模糊,难以理解。结果表明,除了我们在回归中包含的因素之外,其他因素对直接民主工具对平等的影响具有决定性作用。因此,在第二步中,我们以2015年爱尔兰和斯洛文尼亚的同性婚姻公投为例,展示了国家和案例特定变量(如社会和政治特征)如何影响直接民主的结果。我们的结论是,上下文因素太复杂,无法在大n的统计分析中掌握。这意味着,要了解背景如何影响直接民主手段对平等的影响,目前必须超越统计分析的镜头,深入和详细地研究各自的案例。
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引用次数: 0
Pressure on people and people on streets: social pressures to vote in Tunisia’s new democracy 对民众和街头民众的压力:突尼斯新民主主义投票的社会压力
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00315-5
Kirstie Lynn Dobbs
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引用次数: 0
Blame it on my youth: the origins of attitudes towards immigration 要怪就怪我的年轻:对移民态度的根源
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-28 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00314-6
Anne-Marie Jeannet, Lenka Dražanová
Abstract Recent studies have demonstrated generational differences in attitudes towards immigration, however, less is known about what are the exact factors behind these differences. Our study investigates why cohorts formulate distinct patterns in attitudes towards immigration through a collective process of political socialization during their formative years. The theoretical arguments are tested using hierarchical age-period-cohort modelling across thirteen cohorts in thirteen European countries using micro attitudinal data (2002–2020) integrated with historical macro-political data. We find that contextual exposure to the principle of equality in the formative political climate is central to the formulation of a person’s attitudes towards immigration later in life. While the prevalence of the principle of equality affects immigration attitudes in adulthood positively, the principle of tradition does not. The findings imply that even subtle and cyclical shifts in national politics affect the political orientations of those undergoing the process of political socialization.
最近的研究已经证明了对移民态度的代际差异,然而,对这些差异背后的确切因素知之甚少。我们的研究调查了为什么群体在形成时期通过政治社会化的集体过程对移民的态度形成了不同的模式。理论论点采用分层年龄-时期-队列模型,在13个欧洲国家的13个队列中使用微观态度数据(2002-2020)与历史宏观政治数据相结合的方法进行测试。我们发现,在形成性政治气候中,对平等原则的语境暴露对于一个人在以后的生活中对移民的态度的形成至关重要。虽然普遍存在的平等原则对成年后的移民态度产生了积极的影响,但传统原则却没有。研究结果表明,即使是国家政治的微妙和周期性变化也会影响那些经历政治社会化过程的人的政治取向。
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引用次数: 1
Why a Euromaidan movement party never emerged: a field theory approach 为什么欧盟独立运动党从未出现:场域理论方法
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-21 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00317-3
Olga Zelinska, Yevhen Revtiuk
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引用次数: 0
What drives the propensity to vote for ethnic-minority-interest parties? 是什么驱使人们倾向于投票给少数民族利益政党?
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00309-3
Marcel Lubbers, Simon Otjes, Niels Spierings
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引用次数: 0
Using go-it-alone power to overcome intergovernmental deadlock: national vetoes, credible threats, and multi-speed Europe in the British budgetary rebate crisis 在英国预算回扣危机中,运用独立力量克服政府间僵局:国家否决权、可信的威胁和多速欧洲
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-26 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00313-7
Lucas Schramm
Abstract Differentiated integration, and the prospect thereof, is a prominent feature of European integration and policymaking. This article theorizes and demonstrates an explicit link between the threat of differentiated integration and the resolution of major European integration crises. Based on archival sources and secondary literature on differentiated integration, it shows how and why, in June 1984, the United Kingdom and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher agreed to increase the European Community’s (EC) financial resources, despite their years-long insistence on budgetary restraint and their formal right to veto such a decision. The article argues that the prospect of a ‘multi-speed’ Europe, represented by Franco-German ‘go-it-alone’ power, threatened to exclude recalcitrant member states. Lacking more promising alternatives to continued membership in a reformed EC, the British government consented to European financial objectives. It also joined the other national governments towards deeper political integration and, eventually, a European Union, despite its actual rejection of European federal ambitions. The article’s theoretical expectations and empirical findings on ways to overcome intergovernmental deadlock based on formal national veto rights have broader implications also for more recent European integration crises.
差别化一体化及其前景是欧洲一体化与政策制定的一个突出特征。本文从理论上论证了差别化一体化的威胁与欧洲主要一体化危机的解决之间的明确联系。基于档案资料和关于差异化一体化的二次文献,本书展示了1984年6月,英国和首相玛格丽特·撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)如何以及为何同意增加欧共体(EC)的财政资源,尽管他们多年来一直坚持预算限制,并正式拥有否决这一决定的权利。这篇文章认为,以法德“单干”力量为代表的“多速”欧洲的前景,可能会把顽固的成员国排除在外。除了继续留在改革后的欧共体之外,由于缺乏更有希望的选择,英国政府同意了欧洲的金融目标。它还与其他国家政府一道,朝着更深层次的政治一体化迈进,并最终加入欧盟,尽管它实际上反对欧洲联邦的雄心。本文关于如何克服基于正式国家否决权的政府间僵局的理论期望和实证发现,对最近的欧洲一体化危机也有更广泛的影响。
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引用次数: 0
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