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Blame it on my youth: the origins of attitudes towards immigration 要怪就怪我的年轻:对移民态度的根源
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-28 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00314-6
Anne-Marie Jeannet, Lenka Dražanová
Abstract Recent studies have demonstrated generational differences in attitudes towards immigration, however, less is known about what are the exact factors behind these differences. Our study investigates why cohorts formulate distinct patterns in attitudes towards immigration through a collective process of political socialization during their formative years. The theoretical arguments are tested using hierarchical age-period-cohort modelling across thirteen cohorts in thirteen European countries using micro attitudinal data (2002–2020) integrated with historical macro-political data. We find that contextual exposure to the principle of equality in the formative political climate is central to the formulation of a person’s attitudes towards immigration later in life. While the prevalence of the principle of equality affects immigration attitudes in adulthood positively, the principle of tradition does not. The findings imply that even subtle and cyclical shifts in national politics affect the political orientations of those undergoing the process of political socialization.
最近的研究已经证明了对移民态度的代际差异,然而,对这些差异背后的确切因素知之甚少。我们的研究调查了为什么群体在形成时期通过政治社会化的集体过程对移民的态度形成了不同的模式。理论论点采用分层年龄-时期-队列模型,在13个欧洲国家的13个队列中使用微观态度数据(2002-2020)与历史宏观政治数据相结合的方法进行测试。我们发现,在形成性政治气候中,对平等原则的语境暴露对于一个人在以后的生活中对移民的态度的形成至关重要。虽然普遍存在的平等原则对成年后的移民态度产生了积极的影响,但传统原则却没有。研究结果表明,即使是国家政治的微妙和周期性变化也会影响那些经历政治社会化过程的人的政治取向。
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引用次数: 1
Why a Euromaidan movement party never emerged: a field theory approach 为什么欧盟独立运动党从未出现:场域理论方法
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-21 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00317-3
Olga Zelinska, Yevhen Revtiuk
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引用次数: 0
What drives the propensity to vote for ethnic-minority-interest parties? 是什么驱使人们倾向于投票给少数民族利益政党?
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00309-3
Marcel Lubbers, Simon Otjes, Niels Spierings
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引用次数: 0
Using go-it-alone power to overcome intergovernmental deadlock: national vetoes, credible threats, and multi-speed Europe in the British budgetary rebate crisis 在英国预算回扣危机中,运用独立力量克服政府间僵局:国家否决权、可信的威胁和多速欧洲
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-26 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00313-7
Lucas Schramm
Abstract Differentiated integration, and the prospect thereof, is a prominent feature of European integration and policymaking. This article theorizes and demonstrates an explicit link between the threat of differentiated integration and the resolution of major European integration crises. Based on archival sources and secondary literature on differentiated integration, it shows how and why, in June 1984, the United Kingdom and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher agreed to increase the European Community’s (EC) financial resources, despite their years-long insistence on budgetary restraint and their formal right to veto such a decision. The article argues that the prospect of a ‘multi-speed’ Europe, represented by Franco-German ‘go-it-alone’ power, threatened to exclude recalcitrant member states. Lacking more promising alternatives to continued membership in a reformed EC, the British government consented to European financial objectives. It also joined the other national governments towards deeper political integration and, eventually, a European Union, despite its actual rejection of European federal ambitions. The article’s theoretical expectations and empirical findings on ways to overcome intergovernmental deadlock based on formal national veto rights have broader implications also for more recent European integration crises.
差别化一体化及其前景是欧洲一体化与政策制定的一个突出特征。本文从理论上论证了差别化一体化的威胁与欧洲主要一体化危机的解决之间的明确联系。基于档案资料和关于差异化一体化的二次文献,本书展示了1984年6月,英国和首相玛格丽特·撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)如何以及为何同意增加欧共体(EC)的财政资源,尽管他们多年来一直坚持预算限制,并正式拥有否决这一决定的权利。这篇文章认为,以法德“单干”力量为代表的“多速”欧洲的前景,可能会把顽固的成员国排除在外。除了继续留在改革后的欧共体之外,由于缺乏更有希望的选择,英国政府同意了欧洲的金融目标。它还与其他国家政府一道,朝着更深层次的政治一体化迈进,并最终加入欧盟,尽管它实际上反对欧洲联邦的雄心。本文关于如何克服基于正式国家否决权的政府间僵局的理论期望和实证发现,对最近的欧洲一体化危机也有更广泛的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Disinterested or enraged? Understanding people’s political interest 不感兴趣还是愤怒?了解人们的政治利益
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-26 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00311-9
Mónica Ferrín, Gema M. García-Albacete
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引用次数: 0
The epistemic quality of expert bodies: from normative-theoretical concept to empirical measurement 专家团体的认知质量:从规范理论概念到实证测量
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00312-8
Cathrine Holst, Johan Christensen
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引用次数: 0
The reinvention of consensus politics: governing without a legislative majority in the Netherlands 2010–2021 共识政治的重塑:2010-2021年荷兰无立法多数的执政
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00310-w
S. Otjes, Tom Louwerse
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引用次数: 0
Correction: Parliament as a steppingstone? Patterns of post-parliamentary careers in The Netherlands between 1967 and 2017 纠正:议会是垫脚石?1967年至2017年荷兰议会后职业模式
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00308-4
Denny van der Vlist
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引用次数: 0
Populism and transitional justice: talking the talk without walking the walk 民粹主义与过渡正义:只说不做
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00307-5
A. Dias, Luca Manucci, F. Raimundo
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引用次数: 0
Explaining Romanies’ high abstentionism: socialization effects and political interest 解读罗姆人的高度禁欲:社会效应与政治利益
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-07 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00305-7
Javier Padilla, M. Trujillo
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引用次数: 0
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