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Acta Politica最新文献

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Using go-it-alone power to overcome intergovernmental deadlock: national vetoes, credible threats, and multi-speed Europe in the British budgetary rebate crisis 在英国预算回扣危机中,运用独立力量克服政府间僵局:国家否决权、可信的威胁和多速欧洲
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-26 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00313-7
Lucas Schramm
Abstract Differentiated integration, and the prospect thereof, is a prominent feature of European integration and policymaking. This article theorizes and demonstrates an explicit link between the threat of differentiated integration and the resolution of major European integration crises. Based on archival sources and secondary literature on differentiated integration, it shows how and why, in June 1984, the United Kingdom and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher agreed to increase the European Community’s (EC) financial resources, despite their years-long insistence on budgetary restraint and their formal right to veto such a decision. The article argues that the prospect of a ‘multi-speed’ Europe, represented by Franco-German ‘go-it-alone’ power, threatened to exclude recalcitrant member states. Lacking more promising alternatives to continued membership in a reformed EC, the British government consented to European financial objectives. It also joined the other national governments towards deeper political integration and, eventually, a European Union, despite its actual rejection of European federal ambitions. The article’s theoretical expectations and empirical findings on ways to overcome intergovernmental deadlock based on formal national veto rights have broader implications also for more recent European integration crises.
差别化一体化及其前景是欧洲一体化与政策制定的一个突出特征。本文从理论上论证了差别化一体化的威胁与欧洲主要一体化危机的解决之间的明确联系。基于档案资料和关于差异化一体化的二次文献,本书展示了1984年6月,英国和首相玛格丽特·撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)如何以及为何同意增加欧共体(EC)的财政资源,尽管他们多年来一直坚持预算限制,并正式拥有否决这一决定的权利。这篇文章认为,以法德“单干”力量为代表的“多速”欧洲的前景,可能会把顽固的成员国排除在外。除了继续留在改革后的欧共体之外,由于缺乏更有希望的选择,英国政府同意了欧洲的金融目标。它还与其他国家政府一道,朝着更深层次的政治一体化迈进,并最终加入欧盟,尽管它实际上反对欧洲联邦的雄心。本文关于如何克服基于正式国家否决权的政府间僵局的理论期望和实证发现,对最近的欧洲一体化危机也有更广泛的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Disinterested or enraged? Understanding people’s political interest 不感兴趣还是愤怒?了解人们的政治利益
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-26 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00311-9
Mónica Ferrín, Gema M. García-Albacete
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引用次数: 0
The epistemic quality of expert bodies: from normative-theoretical concept to empirical measurement 专家团体的认知质量:从规范理论概念到实证测量
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00312-8
Cathrine Holst, Johan Christensen
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引用次数: 0
The reinvention of consensus politics: governing without a legislative majority in the Netherlands 2010–2021 共识政治的重塑:2010-2021年荷兰无立法多数的执政
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00310-w
S. Otjes, Tom Louwerse
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引用次数: 0
Correction: Parliament as a steppingstone? Patterns of post-parliamentary careers in The Netherlands between 1967 and 2017 纠正:议会是垫脚石?1967年至2017年荷兰议会后职业模式
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00308-4
Denny van der Vlist
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引用次数: 0
Populism and transitional justice: talking the talk without walking the walk 民粹主义与过渡正义:只说不做
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00307-5
A. Dias, Luca Manucci, F. Raimundo
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引用次数: 0
Explaining Romanies’ high abstentionism: socialization effects and political interest 解读罗姆人的高度禁欲:社会效应与政治利益
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-07 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00305-7
Javier Padilla, M. Trujillo
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引用次数: 0
Citizens’ candidates? Labour market experiences and radical right-wing candidates in the 2014 Swedish municipal elections 公民的候选人?2014年瑞典市政选举中的劳动力市场经验和激进右翼候选人
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00304-8
Satu Helske, Juta Kawalerowicz
Abstract This article uses Swedish register data to study the labour market experiences of radical right-wing candidates standing in local elections. We look at different measures of economic insecurity (labour market participation trajectories, experience of unemployment in social networks and relative growth in the number of jobs for foreign-born workers vis-a-vis natives) and examine whether they are predictors of candidates running for the Sweden Democrats, the main radical right-wing party in Sweden, as opposed to running for mainstream political parties. We find that the labour market trajectories of such candidates are markedly different from those of mainstream party candidates. Those with turbulent or out-of-labour market trajectories are much more likely to run for the Sweden Democrats, as opposed to other parties. The same is also true for candidates embedded in social networks with higher levels of unemployment, while working in a high-skilled industry markedly lowers the probability of running for the Sweden Democrats, especially for male candidates with low educational attainment. We find mixed results for the ethnic threat hypothesis.
摘要本文利用瑞典的登记数据,研究激进右翼候选人在地方选举中的劳动力市场经验。我们研究了经济不安全感的不同衡量标准(劳动力市场参与轨迹、社交网络中的失业经历以及外国出生工人相对于本国人的工作数量的相对增长),并研究这些指标是否能预测瑞典民主党(瑞典主要的激进右翼政党)和主流政党的候选人竞选情况。我们发现,这些候选人的劳动力市场轨迹与主流政党候选人明显不同。那些有动荡或失业市场轨迹的人更有可能竞选瑞典民主党,而不是其他政党。失业率较高的社会关系网中的候选人也是如此,而在高技能行业工作的候选人,尤其是受教育程度较低的男性候选人,竞选瑞典民主党(Sweden Democrats)的可能性明显降低。我们发现种族威胁假说的结果好坏参半。
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引用次数: 0
Independent agencies? Political vulnerability and affinity of their leaders 独立机构?他们领导人的政治脆弱性和亲和力
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00303-9
Eliška Klimentová, Petra Tomanová
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引用次数: 0
The limits of modern revolutions: global constraints on domestic change 现代革命的局限:全球对国内变革的制约
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-02 DOI: 10.1057/s41269-023-00302-w
Joanne Yao, Andrew Delatolla
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引用次数: 0
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