Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2134121
Jan Kißling, Hannah M. Smidt
ABSTRACT How does the phased withdrawal of United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs) influence electoral violence? Many PKOs recently ended and peacekeeping personnel numbers are decreasing. Yet, research on peacekeepers’ exit remains in its infancy. We help fill this lacuna and examine how peacekeepers’ withdrawal affects violence during electoral periods. We focus on electoral periods because elections are both often-desired intervention endpoints and violence-prone moments in post-war trajectories. We argue that electoral violence increases shortly after a reduction in PKO troops because shortfalls in external oversight and security assistance reduce costs for organizing violence and open opportunities for pursuing a coercive electoral strategy. However, violence-inducing exit effects are likely short-lived due to adaptation by domestic security forces or peacekeepers who remain in the host country. We examine our argument across electoral periods and first-order administrative units of all African countries hosting a PKO (2001–2017). Controlling for violence trends prior to peacekeepers’ exit, two-way fixed effects models suggest that a local reduction in PKO troops is not associated with subsequent increases in electoral violence. However, withdrawal incidents lead to spikes in political violence more broadly defined. Our results confirm worries that downsizing during election times may endanger security gains in post-war countries.
{"title":"(UN-)Protected Elections – Left for Good? Withdrawal of United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and Its Effects on Violence During Electoral Periods in War-Affected Countries","authors":"Jan Kißling, Hannah M. Smidt","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2134121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2134121","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How does the phased withdrawal of United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs) influence electoral violence? Many PKOs recently ended and peacekeeping personnel numbers are decreasing. Yet, research on peacekeepers’ exit remains in its infancy. We help fill this lacuna and examine how peacekeepers’ withdrawal affects violence during electoral periods. We focus on electoral periods because elections are both often-desired intervention endpoints and violence-prone moments in post-war trajectories. We argue that electoral violence increases shortly after a reduction in PKO troops because shortfalls in external oversight and security assistance reduce costs for organizing violence and open opportunities for pursuing a coercive electoral strategy. However, violence-inducing exit effects are likely short-lived due to adaptation by domestic security forces or peacekeepers who remain in the host country. We examine our argument across electoral periods and first-order administrative units of all African countries hosting a PKO (2001–2017). Controlling for violence trends prior to peacekeepers’ exit, two-way fixed effects models suggest that a local reduction in PKO troops is not associated with subsequent increases in electoral violence. However, withdrawal incidents lead to spikes in political violence more broadly defined. Our results confirm worries that downsizing during election times may endanger security gains in post-war countries.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":"30 1","pages":"165 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46231351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-02DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2184687
G. Dzinesa
ABSTRACT On 23 June 2021, after months of deliberations, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) approved the establishment of the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) in response to escalating violent extremism and insurgency by an Islamist armed group, Al-Shabaab or Al-Sunnah wa Jama’ah (ASWJ), in Mozambique’s northern Cabo Delgado province, which posed the risk of regional contagion. SAMIM was deployed under scenario 6 of the African Standby Force (ASF) with a mandate focused on supporting the Mozambican government to combat terrorism and violent extremism in Cabo Delgado. Its mandate also centred on strengthening and maintaining peace and security; restoring law and order; and assisting the government and humanitarian agencies to provide humanitarian relief to the affected population. This paper contributes to raising public understanding of the regional and continental policies and principles underpinning the SADC decision-making process regarding the deployment of peace missions and the effectiveness of SAMIM in fulfilling its mandated tasks until its first anniversary. It identified the relative pacification of Cabo Delgado as a crucial strategic and operational impact of SAMIM’s exceptional military intervention, which facilitated its segue into a multidimensional peacebuilding mission. Six principal constraints-cum-opportunities of SAMIM, which had a significant bearing on its effectiveness, are discussed.
{"title":"The Southern African Development Community’s Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM): Policymaking and Effectiveness","authors":"G. Dzinesa","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2184687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2184687","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT On 23 June 2021, after months of deliberations, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) approved the establishment of the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) in response to escalating violent extremism and insurgency by an Islamist armed group, Al-Shabaab or Al-Sunnah wa Jama’ah (ASWJ), in Mozambique’s northern Cabo Delgado province, which posed the risk of regional contagion. SAMIM was deployed under scenario 6 of the African Standby Force (ASF) with a mandate focused on supporting the Mozambican government to combat terrorism and violent extremism in Cabo Delgado. Its mandate also centred on strengthening and maintaining peace and security; restoring law and order; and assisting the government and humanitarian agencies to provide humanitarian relief to the affected population. This paper contributes to raising public understanding of the regional and continental policies and principles underpinning the SADC decision-making process regarding the deployment of peace missions and the effectiveness of SAMIM in fulfilling its mandated tasks until its first anniversary. It identified the relative pacification of Cabo Delgado as a crucial strategic and operational impact of SAMIM’s exceptional military intervention, which facilitated its segue into a multidimensional peacebuilding mission. Six principal constraints-cum-opportunities of SAMIM, which had a significant bearing on its effectiveness, are discussed.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":"30 1","pages":"198 - 229"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46286900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-16DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2177640
Marsin Alshamary, Hamzeh Hadad
{"title":"The Collective Neglect of Southern Iraq: Missed Opportunities for Development and Good Governance","authors":"Marsin Alshamary, Hamzeh Hadad","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2177640","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2177640","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45140558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-15DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2178906
Mason Grant Considine
{"title":"The Women, Peace and Security Agenda: Place, Space and Knowledge Production","authors":"Mason Grant Considine","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2178906","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2178906","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45700269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-09DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2174978
Roberta Holanda Maschietto
{"title":"Review of ‘The 2006 Crisis in East Timor. Lessons for Contemporary Peacebuilding’","authors":"Roberta Holanda Maschietto","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2174978","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2174978","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":"30 1","pages":"268 - 270"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47072960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-08DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2175674
E. Krahmann
{"title":"Peacebuilding Legacy: Programming for Change and Young People’s Attitudes to Peace","authors":"E. Krahmann","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2175674","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2175674","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":"30 1","pages":"266 - 268"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44249112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-18DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2167718
P. Diehl
So-named ‘handbooks’ have become pervasive in academia, covering many topics in multiple disciplines, and produced by numerous publishers, at expensive prices, and apparently directed at university and other library markets. There are several competitors to this handbook, each focusing on peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Nevertheless, the present work has some unique features that make it a different and welcome addition to our understanding of peace operations. First, as the title suggests, this collection has an exclusive focus on Africa rather than attempting to cover multiple regions and including case studies that reflect that geographic spread. Yet peacebuilding in Africa is virtually synonymous with peacebuilding in general. That continent has been the primary, if not almost exclusive, locus of peacebuilding efforts in the twenty-first century. Does this mean that lessons from peacebuilding in Africa are applicable elsewhere, if indeed such efforts were to occur frequently in other parts of the world? One chapter (by Laurie Nathan) directly addresses this with respect to mediation. Less directly, but equally relevant, the other chapters discuss a number of contextual factors – distinctly African – that influence peacebuilding outcomes. There are some general lessons here (for example about ignoring the local population and settings) but African-specific elements – and by implication those for any operation anywhere – are important parts of the story. Second, many handbooks are designed to provide a ‘state of the art’ to the subject matter at hand. One variation is to include essays that are synthetic reviews of the scholarly literature that provide summaries about what we know or don’t know from existing research. Others do so from the perspective of practitioners, akin to ‘lessons learned’ and authored by senior officials from various governmental and non-governmental organizations. This collection doesn’t necessarily fit either mould. Authors are researchers at universities and other institutions, but there is a stronger concern, often driven by normative issues, for practical applications that conventional scholarly reviews lack. The chapters have research bases but tend to rely, in some cases, on reports by the UN and other organization. Quantitative studies of peacekeeping and peacebuilding that have exploded in the last two decades are largely ignored here. Rather, the chapters are a series of well-argued commentaries, rather than statements about knowledge in the field. The collection includes a useful introduction by the editors, followed by 18 relatively short chapters (about 15 pages each). The chapters are placed in three sections. The first – Institutions – focuses on the UN framework for
{"title":"Routledge Handbook of African Peacebuilding","authors":"P. Diehl","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2167718","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2167718","url":null,"abstract":"So-named ‘handbooks’ have become pervasive in academia, covering many topics in multiple disciplines, and produced by numerous publishers, at expensive prices, and apparently directed at university and other library markets. There are several competitors to this handbook, each focusing on peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Nevertheless, the present work has some unique features that make it a different and welcome addition to our understanding of peace operations. First, as the title suggests, this collection has an exclusive focus on Africa rather than attempting to cover multiple regions and including case studies that reflect that geographic spread. Yet peacebuilding in Africa is virtually synonymous with peacebuilding in general. That continent has been the primary, if not almost exclusive, locus of peacebuilding efforts in the twenty-first century. Does this mean that lessons from peacebuilding in Africa are applicable elsewhere, if indeed such efforts were to occur frequently in other parts of the world? One chapter (by Laurie Nathan) directly addresses this with respect to mediation. Less directly, but equally relevant, the other chapters discuss a number of contextual factors – distinctly African – that influence peacebuilding outcomes. There are some general lessons here (for example about ignoring the local population and settings) but African-specific elements – and by implication those for any operation anywhere – are important parts of the story. Second, many handbooks are designed to provide a ‘state of the art’ to the subject matter at hand. One variation is to include essays that are synthetic reviews of the scholarly literature that provide summaries about what we know or don’t know from existing research. Others do so from the perspective of practitioners, akin to ‘lessons learned’ and authored by senior officials from various governmental and non-governmental organizations. This collection doesn’t necessarily fit either mould. Authors are researchers at universities and other institutions, but there is a stronger concern, often driven by normative issues, for practical applications that conventional scholarly reviews lack. The chapters have research bases but tend to rely, in some cases, on reports by the UN and other organization. Quantitative studies of peacekeeping and peacebuilding that have exploded in the last two decades are largely ignored here. Rather, the chapters are a series of well-argued commentaries, rather than statements about knowledge in the field. The collection includes a useful introduction by the editors, followed by 18 relatively short chapters (about 15 pages each). The chapters are placed in three sections. The first – Institutions – focuses on the UN framework for","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":"30 1","pages":"264 - 265"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47152946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2173584
Anurug Chakma
ABSTRACT Why is the implementation of civil war peace agreements comparatively higher in some countries than in other countries? In this study, I address this puzzle by investigating the effects of insider-outsider leader turnover on the execution of peace agreements. The idea is that leaders should be the fundamental units of analysis to explain the implementation of peace agreements due to more frequent leadership changes than state-level variables, such as the level of democracy, political system, military capability, and GDP per capita. Besides, leader turnover poses a commitment problem in peace processes if outsider leaders differ in their resolve and revise inherited agreements. I test this hypothesis quantitatively using feasible generalized least squares (FGLS) regressions to analyze the panel dataset of this research that covers 34 comprehensive peace agreements of 31 countries from 1989 to 2015. The findings of this study demonstrate the positive impacts of insider leader turnover and the adverse effects of outsider leader turnover on the execution of peace agreements. Hence, whether the implementation of peace agreements will continue depends on who comes to power.
{"title":"Leadership Changes and Civil War Peace Agreements: Does Who Comes to Power Influence the Implementation?","authors":"Anurug Chakma","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2173584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2173584","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Why is the implementation of civil war peace agreements comparatively higher in some countries than in other countries? In this study, I address this puzzle by investigating the effects of insider-outsider leader turnover on the execution of peace agreements. The idea is that leaders should be the fundamental units of analysis to explain the implementation of peace agreements due to more frequent leadership changes than state-level variables, such as the level of democracy, political system, military capability, and GDP per capita. Besides, leader turnover poses a commitment problem in peace processes if outsider leaders differ in their resolve and revise inherited agreements. I test this hypothesis quantitatively using feasible generalized least squares (FGLS) regressions to analyze the panel dataset of this research that covers 34 comprehensive peace agreements of 31 countries from 1989 to 2015. The findings of this study demonstrate the positive impacts of insider leader turnover and the adverse effects of outsider leader turnover on the execution of peace agreements. Hence, whether the implementation of peace agreements will continue depends on who comes to power.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":"30 1","pages":"24 - 52"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43431519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-28DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2160712
Andrew Levin
ABSTRACT Do democratic or non-democratic countries contribute more personnel to UN peacekeeping operations? While earlier studies found that democracies make larger contributions than non-democracies, recent research has challenged these findings. Scholarship in this area, however, has largely conceived of ‘non-democracy’ as a monolithic category, despite a growing body of research delineating distinct types of illiberal regimes and identifying their divergent behaviours in a range of domestic and international contexts. In this article, I argue that non-democracies’ personnel contributions to peacekeeping operations vary based on different ‘type’ of illiberal regime, and that this variation is contingent on two main factors: the influence of the military within the regime, and the extent to which a regime values the prestige associated with large-scale peacekeeping contributions. I test this proposition by statistically analyzing data from UN peacekeeping operations between 1991–2018. The findings indicate that single-party regimes are likely to make significantly smaller contributions than democracies; the contribution behaviour of other types of non-democracies is less discernible from their democratic counterparts.
{"title":"Non-Democratic Regimes and Participation in UN Peacekeeping Operations","authors":"Andrew Levin","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2160712","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2160712","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Do democratic or non-democratic countries contribute more personnel to UN peacekeeping operations? While earlier studies found that democracies make larger contributions than non-democracies, recent research has challenged these findings. Scholarship in this area, however, has largely conceived of ‘non-democracy’ as a monolithic category, despite a growing body of research delineating distinct types of illiberal regimes and identifying their divergent behaviours in a range of domestic and international contexts. In this article, I argue that non-democracies’ personnel contributions to peacekeeping operations vary based on different ‘type’ of illiberal regime, and that this variation is contingent on two main factors: the influence of the military within the regime, and the extent to which a regime values the prestige associated with large-scale peacekeeping contributions. I test this proposition by statistically analyzing data from UN peacekeeping operations between 1991–2018. The findings indicate that single-party regimes are likely to make significantly smaller contributions than democracies; the contribution behaviour of other types of non-democracies is less discernible from their democratic counterparts.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":"30 1","pages":"97 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43174127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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