Pub Date : 2023-04-21DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2201678
M. Brosig
ABSTRACT Since Germany joined the United Nations (UN) in 1973, it served six times as an elected member of the UN Security Council. The main aim of the article is to evaluate Germany’s latest term (2019–2020). What policy space can elected members occupy given the still unreformed Council? Germany is selected as a case study, because it is a pivotal regional power with the potential to exert significant influence on the Council. The article provides an in-depth overview of Germany’s performance and explores those conditions which shape and steer its positions as an elected member. Three conditions are particularly relevant: diplomatic capacity, the effective use of Council rules and procedures, as well as the ability to forge coalitions. As a regional powerhouse and adamant endorser of multilateralism, the expectations toward Germany are high, however, has the country lived up to them?
{"title":"More Than Just Productive? Evaluating Germany’s Term at the UN Security Council 2019–2020","authors":"M. Brosig","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2201678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2201678","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since Germany joined the United Nations (UN) in 1973, it served six times as an elected member of the UN Security Council. The main aim of the article is to evaluate Germany’s latest term (2019–2020). What policy space can elected members occupy given the still unreformed Council? Germany is selected as a case study, because it is a pivotal regional power with the potential to exert significant influence on the Council. The article provides an in-depth overview of Germany’s performance and explores those conditions which shape and steer its positions as an elected member. Three conditions are particularly relevant: diplomatic capacity, the effective use of Council rules and procedures, as well as the ability to forge coalitions. As a regional powerhouse and adamant endorser of multilateralism, the expectations toward Germany are high, however, has the country lived up to them?","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42679753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-10DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2199983
{"title":"Syria Betrayed: Atrocities, War, and the Failure of International Diplomacy","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2199983","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2199983","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42516559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-06DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2195633
J. Catherine
{"title":"Practicing Peace: Conflict Management in Southeast Asia and South America","authors":"J. Catherine","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2195633","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2195633","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44683014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2196019
K. Engelbrekt
ABSTRACT This article examines Sweden’s successful 2016 bid to serve at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and shows that the subsequent 2017–18 tenure relied on a formula with three key elements. One was to mobilize the competitive advantages of its Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), and a second to systematically highlight Africa-related priorities. A third element was to boost the standing of the E10 category of members in day-to-day diplomatic practice. After securing a plurality of votes in the General Assembly, Swedish diplomats went to work with a unique constellation of concurrently serving likeminded countries, generally receptive to Stockholm’s priorities. The formula appears to have contributed to a solid performance in 2017–2018. That said, the UNSC is not conducive to individual E10 members having a lasting impact on its institutional memory.
{"title":"Sweden’s 2017–18 UNSC Formula: Mobilizing the MFA’s Competitive Advantages, Highlighting Africa, and Boosting the E10","authors":"K. Engelbrekt","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2196019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2196019","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines Sweden’s successful 2016 bid to serve at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and shows that the subsequent 2017–18 tenure relied on a formula with three key elements. One was to mobilize the competitive advantages of its Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), and a second to systematically highlight Africa-related priorities. A third element was to boost the standing of the E10 category of members in day-to-day diplomatic practice. After securing a plurality of votes in the General Assembly, Swedish diplomats went to work with a unique constellation of concurrently serving likeminded countries, generally receptive to Stockholm’s priorities. The formula appears to have contributed to a solid performance in 2017–2018. That said, the UNSC is not conducive to individual E10 members having a lasting impact on its institutional memory.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44992930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-18DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2187380
Issaka K. Souaré
ABSTRACT Niger served on the Security Council in the period 2020–2021 and remained throughout its tenure an active player in its West African region on security issues. The government in Niamey also leveraged its moral high ground in the region, based on its experience of democratic transfers of power in presidential elections in early 2021. Niger had expertise on security challenges in one of the focus regions of the Council, the Sahel, while it also enjoyed a good geopolitical partnership with two permanent members of the Council, France and the US, thanks to earlier cooperation on counter-terrorism initiatives in the Sahel. This article empirically examines how Niger used these factors to show agency in overcoming apparent structural deficiencies to address its own security challenges and promote aspects of the African Peace and Security Architecture.
{"title":"Overcoming ‘Smallness’: Niger as an Elected Member of the UN Security Council, 2020–2022","authors":"Issaka K. Souaré","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2187380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2187380","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Niger served on the Security Council in the period 2020–2021 and remained throughout its tenure an active player in its West African region on security issues. The government in Niamey also leveraged its moral high ground in the region, based on its experience of democratic transfers of power in presidential elections in early 2021. Niger had expertise on security challenges in one of the focus regions of the Council, the Sahel, while it also enjoyed a good geopolitical partnership with two permanent members of the Council, France and the US, thanks to earlier cooperation on counter-terrorism initiatives in the Sahel. This article empirically examines how Niger used these factors to show agency in overcoming apparent structural deficiencies to address its own security challenges and promote aspects of the African Peace and Security Architecture.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42009490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2196411
B. W. Reeder, R. Dicke
ABSTRACT How do United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions influence the use of conflict related sexual violence (CRSV) by armed non-state actors? This study argues efficacy is influenced by conditions that precede deployment and the composition of UN forces. Poor intragroup cohesion within rebel ranks incentivizes CRSV, putting peacekeepers in a precarious position upon deployment. UN police improve law enforcement capabilities, build relationships with local communities, and promote information diffusion mechanisms. As a result, UN police are associated with a decrease in CRSV, even in the most difficult environments.
{"title":"Peacekeeping Deployments, Intragroup Cohesion, and the Use of Sexual Violence by Armed Non-State Groups","authors":"B. W. Reeder, R. Dicke","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2196411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2196411","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions influence the use of conflict related sexual violence (CRSV) by armed non-state actors? This study argues efficacy is influenced by conditions that precede deployment and the composition of UN forces. Poor intragroup cohesion within rebel ranks incentivizes CRSV, putting peacekeepers in a precarious position upon deployment. UN police improve law enforcement capabilities, build relationships with local communities, and promote information diffusion mechanisms. As a result, UN police are associated with a decrease in CRSV, even in the most difficult environments.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44864974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2195634
Amy Yuen
{"title":"The Building and Breaking of Peace: Corporate Activities in Civil War Prevention and Resolution","authors":"Amy Yuen","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2195634","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2195634","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43364319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-15DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2134121
Jan Kißling, Hannah M. Smidt
ABSTRACT How does the phased withdrawal of United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs) influence electoral violence? Many PKOs recently ended and peacekeeping personnel numbers are decreasing. Yet, research on peacekeepers’ exit remains in its infancy. We help fill this lacuna and examine how peacekeepers’ withdrawal affects violence during electoral periods. We focus on electoral periods because elections are both often-desired intervention endpoints and violence-prone moments in post-war trajectories. We argue that electoral violence increases shortly after a reduction in PKO troops because shortfalls in external oversight and security assistance reduce costs for organizing violence and open opportunities for pursuing a coercive electoral strategy. However, violence-inducing exit effects are likely short-lived due to adaptation by domestic security forces or peacekeepers who remain in the host country. We examine our argument across electoral periods and first-order administrative units of all African countries hosting a PKO (2001–2017). Controlling for violence trends prior to peacekeepers’ exit, two-way fixed effects models suggest that a local reduction in PKO troops is not associated with subsequent increases in electoral violence. However, withdrawal incidents lead to spikes in political violence more broadly defined. Our results confirm worries that downsizing during election times may endanger security gains in post-war countries.
{"title":"(UN-)Protected Elections – Left for Good? Withdrawal of United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and Its Effects on Violence During Electoral Periods in War-Affected Countries","authors":"Jan Kißling, Hannah M. Smidt","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2022.2134121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2022.2134121","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How does the phased withdrawal of United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs) influence electoral violence? Many PKOs recently ended and peacekeeping personnel numbers are decreasing. Yet, research on peacekeepers’ exit remains in its infancy. We help fill this lacuna and examine how peacekeepers’ withdrawal affects violence during electoral periods. We focus on electoral periods because elections are both often-desired intervention endpoints and violence-prone moments in post-war trajectories. We argue that electoral violence increases shortly after a reduction in PKO troops because shortfalls in external oversight and security assistance reduce costs for organizing violence and open opportunities for pursuing a coercive electoral strategy. However, violence-inducing exit effects are likely short-lived due to adaptation by domestic security forces or peacekeepers who remain in the host country. We examine our argument across electoral periods and first-order administrative units of all African countries hosting a PKO (2001–2017). Controlling for violence trends prior to peacekeepers’ exit, two-way fixed effects models suggest that a local reduction in PKO troops is not associated with subsequent increases in electoral violence. However, withdrawal incidents lead to spikes in political violence more broadly defined. Our results confirm worries that downsizing during election times may endanger security gains in post-war countries.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46231351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-02DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2184687
G. Dzinesa
ABSTRACT On 23 June 2021, after months of deliberations, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) approved the establishment of the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) in response to escalating violent extremism and insurgency by an Islamist armed group, Al-Shabaab or Al-Sunnah wa Jama’ah (ASWJ), in Mozambique’s northern Cabo Delgado province, which posed the risk of regional contagion. SAMIM was deployed under scenario 6 of the African Standby Force (ASF) with a mandate focused on supporting the Mozambican government to combat terrorism and violent extremism in Cabo Delgado. Its mandate also centred on strengthening and maintaining peace and security; restoring law and order; and assisting the government and humanitarian agencies to provide humanitarian relief to the affected population. This paper contributes to raising public understanding of the regional and continental policies and principles underpinning the SADC decision-making process regarding the deployment of peace missions and the effectiveness of SAMIM in fulfilling its mandated tasks until its first anniversary. It identified the relative pacification of Cabo Delgado as a crucial strategic and operational impact of SAMIM’s exceptional military intervention, which facilitated its segue into a multidimensional peacebuilding mission. Six principal constraints-cum-opportunities of SAMIM, which had a significant bearing on its effectiveness, are discussed.
{"title":"The Southern African Development Community’s Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM): Policymaking and Effectiveness","authors":"G. Dzinesa","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2184687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2184687","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT On 23 June 2021, after months of deliberations, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) approved the establishment of the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) in response to escalating violent extremism and insurgency by an Islamist armed group, Al-Shabaab or Al-Sunnah wa Jama’ah (ASWJ), in Mozambique’s northern Cabo Delgado province, which posed the risk of regional contagion. SAMIM was deployed under scenario 6 of the African Standby Force (ASF) with a mandate focused on supporting the Mozambican government to combat terrorism and violent extremism in Cabo Delgado. Its mandate also centred on strengthening and maintaining peace and security; restoring law and order; and assisting the government and humanitarian agencies to provide humanitarian relief to the affected population. This paper contributes to raising public understanding of the regional and continental policies and principles underpinning the SADC decision-making process regarding the deployment of peace missions and the effectiveness of SAMIM in fulfilling its mandated tasks until its first anniversary. It identified the relative pacification of Cabo Delgado as a crucial strategic and operational impact of SAMIM’s exceptional military intervention, which facilitated its segue into a multidimensional peacebuilding mission. Six principal constraints-cum-opportunities of SAMIM, which had a significant bearing on its effectiveness, are discussed.","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46286900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-16DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2177640
Marsin Alshamary, Hamzeh Hadad
{"title":"The Collective Neglect of Southern Iraq: Missed Opportunities for Development and Good Governance","authors":"Marsin Alshamary, Hamzeh Hadad","doi":"10.1080/13533312.2023.2177640","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2023.2177640","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47231,"journal":{"name":"International Peacekeeping","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2023-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45140558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：