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Small States’ Pursuit of Impact at the UN Security Council: The Case of Tunisia 2020–2021 小国在联合国安理会追求影响力:2020-2021年突尼斯案例
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2236928
M. Cherkaoui
ABSTRACT In an uncharted era of the COVID 19 pandemic dilemma, Tunisia, a small nation in North Africa, served as an elected member of the Security Council in 2020-2021. The temporal framework of this Tunisian experience coincided with two variables: a. multilateralism has again come under pressure, and b. great power tensions have returned to the Security Council in the last decade. This paper aims at assessing Tunisia’s claim of a ‘successful’ record over its two-year term, and entails the exploration of what factors and stimulants, as well as constraints and challenges, were promising or degrading for a small state to engage and try to make a difference in the UNSC decision-making process. The paper also explores whether Tunisia embraced a potential well-structured African approach to working with the E10 and navigating the nuances of the P5.
在2019冠状病毒病大流行困境的未知时代,北非小国突尼斯当选为2020-2021年安理会理事国。突尼斯经历的时间框架与两个变量相吻合:a.多边主义再次受到压力;b.大国之间的紧张关系在过去十年中又回到了安理会。本文旨在评估突尼斯在其两年任期内的“成功”记录,并需要探索哪些因素和刺激因素,以及限制和挑战,对于一个小国参与并试图在联合国安理会的决策过程中发挥作用是有希望的还是有辱的。本文还探讨了突尼斯是否接受了一种潜在的结构良好的非洲方式来与E10合作,并在P5的细微差别中导航。
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引用次数: 1
On the European Union’s Justice Principles in Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding 论欧盟在解决冲突与建设和平中的正义原则
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2207016
Mitja Kleczka
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引用次数: 0
Interactive Peacemaking: A People-Centered Approach 互动式建立和平:以人为本的方法
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2207015
Germán Otálora-Gallego
Susan H. Allen’s Interactive Peacemaking: A People-Centered Approach is a response to the limitations of state-centric and institutional approaches in the peace and conflict field. In line with recent scholarship in the field, a people-centred approach to conflict resolution means challenging the exclusive focus on top-down approaches that privilege states and institutions as the drivers of conflict resolution. Without discarding the importance of such processes completely, Allen makes the case for focusing on local women and men who, far away from the spotlight, engage in long-term peacemaking efforts that yield tangible results for the populations living in conflict-affected or divided societies. Drawing for her extensive experience in facilitating peacemaking efforts between Georgians and South Ossetians, Allen argues that even in the absence of an official political settlement, individuals from those communities have effectively built peace. The book provides stories of people who have engaged in conflict resolution processes step by step, addressing practical and humanitarian issues first – such as recovering bodies across the frontlines or cleaning a river that runs through contested borders – which leads to building confidence over time between opposing parties. This is what Allen calls the ‘peace that is possible’. While this peace does not necessarily lead to an official peace accord in the short or even medium term, Allen urges attention to those small steps for peace because ‘when peace is possible, we have an obligation to build it. Lives depend on that effort’ (p. 16). One of the main contributions of the book is how it seeks to close the gap between conflict resolution scholars and practitioners. Drawing again on her continued engagement in Georgia/South Ossetia peace efforts, Allen shows how practice can build theory of peacemaking. Allen argues that the peace and conflict scholarship should rely on practice and be more action-oriented – that is, aiming to contribute to solving concrete social problems. At the same time, she calls for conflict resolution practitioners to reflect on the theories that underpin what they do and how they do it. The overall message of the book is that we should build the theory of conflict resolution from what has worked and has not worked for peacemakers to make the theories better suited for the real world. While this is understandable given the aim of the book to bridge practice and theory, the reader is left wondering whether critical
苏珊·H·艾伦的《交互式和平建设:以人民为中心的方法》是对和平与冲突领域以国家为中心和体制方法局限性的回应。根据该领域最近的学术成果,以人为中心的冲突解决方法意味着挑战自上而下的方法,这种方法使国家和机构成为解决冲突的驱动力。在不完全放弃这些进程的重要性的情况下,艾伦提出了将重点放在远离聚光灯的当地妇女和男子身上的理由,他们参与了长期的缔造和平努力,为生活在受冲突影响或分裂社会中的人民带来了实实在在的成果。艾伦凭借其在促进格鲁吉亚人和南奥塞梯人之间建立和平努力方面的丰富经验,认为即使在没有正式政治解决方案的情况下,这些社区的个人也有效地建立了和平。这本书讲述了人们一步一步参与冲突解决过程的故事,他们首先解决了实际和人道主义问题,比如在前线打捞尸体或清理流经有争议边界的河流,这会随着时间的推移在对立各方之间建立信任。这就是艾伦所说的“可能的和平”。虽然这种和平不一定会在短期甚至中期内达成正式的和平协议,但艾伦敦促人们注意这些和平的小步骤,因为“当和平成为可能时,我们有义务建设和平。生命取决于这种努力”(第16页)。这本书的主要贡献之一是它试图缩小解决冲突学者和从业者之间的差距。在继续参与格鲁吉亚/南奥塞梯和平努力的基础上,艾伦再次展示了实践如何建立和平理论。艾伦认为,和平与冲突学术应该依靠实践,更加注重行动——也就是说,旨在为解决具体的社会问题做出贡献。与此同时,她呼吁解决冲突的从业者反思支撑他们所做的事情和如何做的理论。这本书的总体信息是,我们应该从对和平缔造者有效和无效的东西中构建解决冲突的理论,使这些理论更适合现实世界。虽然这是可以理解的,因为这本书的目的是将实践和理论联系起来,但读者想知道这是否是批判性的
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引用次数: 0
More Than Just Productive? Evaluating Germany’s Term at the UN Security Council 2019–2020 不仅仅是高效?评估德国2019-2020年联合国安理会任期
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-21 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2201678
M. Brosig
ABSTRACT Since Germany joined the United Nations (UN) in 1973, it served six times as an elected member of the UN Security Council. The main aim of the article is to evaluate Germany’s latest term (2019–2020). What policy space can elected members occupy given the still unreformed Council? Germany is selected as a case study, because it is a pivotal regional power with the potential to exert significant influence on the Council. The article provides an in-depth overview of Germany’s performance and explores those conditions which shape and steer its positions as an elected member. Three conditions are particularly relevant: diplomatic capacity, the effective use of Council rules and procedures, as well as the ability to forge coalitions. As a regional powerhouse and adamant endorser of multilateralism, the expectations toward Germany are high, however, has the country lived up to them?
摘要德国自1973年加入联合国以来,曾六次当选为联合国安理会成员。本文的主要目的是评估德国的最新任期(2019-2020年)。在尚未改革的安理会中,民选成员可以占据什么政策空间?德国之所以被选为案例研究,是因为它是一个关键的区域大国,有可能对安理会施加重大影响。这篇文章深入概述了德国的表现,并探讨了塑造和引导其当选成员地位的条件。三个条件特别相关:外交能力、有效利用安理会规则和程序以及建立联盟的能力。作为一个地区大国和多边主义的坚定支持者,人们对德国的期望很高,然而,这个国家没有辜负他们吗?
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引用次数: 1
Syria Betrayed: Atrocities, War, and the Failure of International Diplomacy 被背叛的叙利亚:暴行、战争与国际外交的失败
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2199983
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引用次数: 2
Practicing Peace: Conflict Management in Southeast Asia and South America 实践和平:东南亚和南美的冲突管理
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-06 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2195633
J. Catherine
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引用次数: 2
Sweden’s 2017–18 UNSC Formula: Mobilizing the MFA’s Competitive Advantages, Highlighting Africa, and Boosting the E10 瑞典2017-18联合国安理会公式:调动MFA的竞争优势,突出非洲,推动E10
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2196019
K. Engelbrekt
ABSTRACT This article examines Sweden’s successful 2016 bid to serve at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and shows that the subsequent 2017–18 tenure relied on a formula with three key elements. One was to mobilize the competitive advantages of its Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), and a second to systematically highlight Africa-related priorities. A third element was to boost the standing of the E10 category of members in day-to-day diplomatic practice. After securing a plurality of votes in the General Assembly, Swedish diplomats went to work with a unique constellation of concurrently serving likeminded countries, generally receptive to Stockholm’s priorities. The formula appears to have contributed to a solid performance in 2017–2018. That said, the UNSC is not conducive to individual E10 members having a lasting impact on its institutional memory.
摘要本文考察了瑞典2016年成功申办联合国安理会(UNSC)的情况,并表明随后的2017-18年任期依赖于一个包含三个关键要素的公式。一个是调动外交部的竞争优势,另一个是系统地强调与非洲有关的优先事项。第三个要素是提高E10类别成员在日常外交实践中的地位。在联合国大会上获得多数票后,瑞典外交官开始与一群独特的同时服务的志同道合的国家合作,这些国家普遍接受斯德哥尔摩的优先事项。该公式似乎为2017-2018年的稳健表现做出了贡献。也就是说,联合国安理会不利于E10成员国对其机构记忆产生持久影响。
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引用次数: 1
Overcoming ‘Smallness’: Niger as an Elected Member of the UN Security Council, 2020–2022 克服“渺小”:尼日尔当选联合国安理会理事国,2020-2022
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-18 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2187380
Issaka K. Souaré
ABSTRACT Niger served on the Security Council in the period 2020–2021 and remained throughout its tenure an active player in its West African region on security issues. The government in Niamey also leveraged its moral high ground in the region, based on its experience of democratic transfers of power in presidential elections in early 2021. Niger had expertise on security challenges in one of the focus regions of the Council, the Sahel, while it also enjoyed a good geopolitical partnership with two permanent members of the Council, France and the US, thanks to earlier cooperation on counter-terrorism initiatives in the Sahel. This article empirically examines how Niger used these factors to show agency in overcoming apparent structural deficiencies to address its own security challenges and promote aspects of the African Peace and Security Architecture.
尼日尔在2020年至2021年期间担任安全理事会成员,并在其任期内一直是西非地区安全问题的积极参与者。根据其在2021年初总统选举中民主移交权力的经验,尼亚美政府还利用了其在该地区的道德制高点。尼日尔在安理会重点区域之一萨赫勒的安全挑战方面具有专门知识,同时由于早些时候在萨赫勒反恐倡议方面的合作,尼日尔还与安理会两个常任理事国法国和美国建立了良好的地缘政治伙伴关系。本文实证研究了尼日尔如何利用这些因素来克服明显的结构性缺陷,以解决其自身的安全挑战并促进非洲和平与安全架构的各个方面。
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引用次数: 1
The Building and Breaking of Peace: Corporate Activities in Civil War Prevention and Resolution 和平的建立和破坏:内战预防和解决中的企业活动
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2195634
Amy Yuen
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引用次数: 0
Peacekeeping Deployments, Intragroup Cohesion, and the Use of Sexual Violence by Armed Non-State Groups 维和部署、集团内部凝聚力和非国家武装团体使用性暴力
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2023.2196411
B. W. Reeder, R. Dicke
ABSTRACT How do United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions influence the use of conflict related sexual violence (CRSV) by armed non-state actors? This study argues efficacy is influenced by conditions that precede deployment and the composition of UN forces. Poor intragroup cohesion within rebel ranks incentivizes CRSV, putting peacekeepers in a precarious position upon deployment. UN police improve law enforcement capabilities, build relationships with local communities, and promote information diffusion mechanisms. As a result, UN police are associated with a decrease in CRSV, even in the most difficult environments.
摘要:联合国维和特派团如何影响非国家武装行为者使用与冲突有关的性暴力?这项研究认为,效能受到部署前的条件和联合国部队组成的影响。反叛分子队伍内部团体内部凝聚力差会激励CRSV,使维和人员在部署时处于危险境地。联合国警察提高执法能力,与当地社区建立关系,并促进信息传播机制。因此,即使在最困难的环境中,联合国警察也会减少CRSV。
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International Peacekeeping
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