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A Perturbed Peace: Applying Complexity Theory to UN Peacekeeping 动荡的和平:复杂性理论在联合国维和行动中的应用
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-27 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2158457
A. Day, Charles T. Hunt
ABSTRACT This article explores the application of complexity theory to UN peacekeeping. To date, peacekeeping has been dominated by linear models of change, assuming that conflict settings can be addressed by elite-driven peace processes, gradual improvements to state institutional capacity, and development programming. However, this article argues that complexity theory offers a far more accurate and useful lens through which to view the work of peacekeeping: conflict settings represent complex, interdependent socio-political systems with emergent qualities giving them the capacity to self-organize via feedback loops and other adaptive activity. Self-organization means such systems are highly resistant to attempts to change behaviour via top-down or input-output approaches. In fact, peacekeeping itself is endogenous to the systems it is trying to change, often displaying the same kinds of self-organization typical of complex systems elsewhere. Drawing on experience working and conducting fieldwork in the UN peacekeping mission in Democratic Republic of the Congo, this article argues that UN peacekeeping operations should view themselves as actors within the complex conflict ecosystem, looking to enable transformational change from within, rather than impose liberal Western models from without.
本文探讨了复杂性理论在联合国维和行动中的应用。迄今为止,维持和平一直以线性变化模式为主,假设冲突环境可以通过精英驱动的和平进程、逐步提高国家机构能力和发展方案来解决。然而,本文认为,复杂性理论提供了一个更准确、更有用的视角来看待维和工作:冲突环境代表着复杂、相互依存的社会政治系统,具有突发性,使其能够通过反馈回路和其他适应性活动进行自组织。自组织意味着这样的系统高度抵制通过自上而下或投入产出方法改变行为的尝试。事实上,维和本身是其试图改变的系统的内在因素,经常表现出其他地方复杂系统的典型自组织。本文借鉴了联合国刚果民主共和国维和特派团的工作和实地调查经验,认为联合国维和行动应将自己视为复杂冲突生态系统中的行动者,寻求从内部实现转型变革,而不是从外部强加自由的西方模式。
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引用次数: 4
Responding to Sexual Violence: How (De-) Politicization and Technicalization Shape Donor-Funded Interventions 应对性暴力:(去)政治化和技术化如何塑造捐助者资助的干预措施
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2157820
Anne Menzel, Lisa Tschörner
ABSTRACT This article introduces an analytical framework for studying and interpreting the sometimes surprisingly different ‘shapes’ (key topics and approaches) of donor-funded responses to sexual violence in and after armed conflict. Our framework highlights processes of politicization, depoliticization, and technicalization and their influence on interventions. Drawing on available studies, published documents, and our own field research in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sierra Leone, we show that donor-funded responses to sexual violence since the early 2000s have taken remarkably different shapes – despite the emergence of influential international policy narratives and roughly similar forms of sexual violence in both contexts. A focus on context-specific processes of politicization, depoliticization, and technicalization reveals how these differences came about and persisted over time. (De-)Politicization and technicalization of sexual violence as a ‘weapon of war’ in DRC have led to medicalized and security-centred statebuilding interventions in the county's eastern conflict zones. By contrast, donor-funded responses in Sierra Leone framed and addressed sexual violence as ‘domestic violence’ even before the war had officially ended. We find that these different shapes emerged from initial differences in (de)politicization and technicalization processes driven by different ‘first responders’ in both contexts, which created enduring path dependencies.
摘要本文介绍了一个分析框架,用于研究和解释捐助者资助的应对武装冲突中和冲突后性暴力的“形式”(关键主题和方法)有时惊人地不同。我们的框架强调了政治化、非政治化和技术化进程及其对干预措施的影响。根据现有的研究、已发表的文件以及我们自己在刚果民主共和国和塞拉利昂的实地研究,我们表明,自21世纪初以来,捐助者资助的对性暴力的反应呈现出明显不同的形式——尽管在这两种情况下都出现了有影响力的国际政策叙事和大致相似的性暴力形式。对政治化、非政治化和技术化的具体过程的关注揭示了这些差异是如何随着时间的推移而产生和持续的。(De)在刚果民主共和国,性暴力作为“战争武器”的政治化和技术化导致了该县东部冲突地区的医疗化和以安全为中心的建国干预。相比之下,在塞拉利昂,捐助者资助的应对措施甚至在战争正式结束之前就将性暴力定义为“家庭暴力”并加以处理。我们发现,这些不同的形状源于在两种情况下由不同的“第一反应者”驱动的(去)政治化和技术化过程的最初差异,这产生了持久的路径依赖性。
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引用次数: 0
Violating Peace: Sex, Aid and Peacekeeping 破坏和平:性、援助与维持和平
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-10 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2154207
Ai Kihara-Hunt
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引用次数: 8
Strategic Deployment of UN Political Missions to Replace UN Peacekeeping Operations: The Demand and Supply Sides of Transition Logic 联合国政治特派团取代联合国维和行动的战略部署:过渡逻辑的需求和供给
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-24 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2149502
Wakako Maekawa
ABSTRACT Although United Nations peacekeeping operations (UN PKOs) produce positive outcomes for peace, some missions are strategically replaced by cheaper and smaller UN political missions (PMs). This article explores why certain peacekeepers are replaced by UN PMs and unpacks the exit strategy of UN PKOs. The logic of demand-side and supply-side perspectives is evaluated using data on the deployment of UN peacekeepers and UN PMs in post-civil war countries between 1993 and 2016. Signing comprehensive peace agreements (CPAs) increases the chances of UN PKOs being replaced by UN PMs because as the willingness to develop politically increases, the demand for civilian personnel after demilitarization also rises. On the supply side, as the preferences of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council concerning target states become more heterogenous, UN PKOs are more likely to be replaced by UN PMs because coordination problems encourage members to choose less burdensome missions.
摘要尽管联合国维和行动为和平带来了积极成果,但一些维和行动在战略上被成本更低、规模较小的联合国政治特派团所取代。本文探讨了为什么某些维和人员被联合国PM取代,并揭示了联合国PKO的退出策略。利用1993年至2016年间联合国维和人员和联合国PM在内战后国家的部署数据,评估了需求方和供应方视角的逻辑。签署全面和平协议增加了联合国维和行动被联合国PM取代的机会,因为随着政治发展意愿的增强,非军事化后对文职人员的需求也在增加。在供应方面,随着联合国安理会五个常任理事国对目标国的偏好变得更加多样化,联合国维和行动更有可能被联合国PM取代,因为协调问题鼓励成员国选择负担较轻的任务。
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引用次数: 1
Twenty Years of Externally Promoted Security Assistance in Iraq: Changing Approaches and Their Limits 二十年来外部推动的伊拉克安全援助:不断变化的方法及其局限性
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-24 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2149501
Irene Costantini, D. O’Driscoll
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引用次数: 2
Building states. The United Nations, development and decolonization, 1945-1965 建设国家。联合国、发展和非殖民化,1945-1965年
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-23 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2149503
Eduardo Uziel
The theme of state-building became popular in International Relations literature in the 2000s, in the aftermath of UN experiences (or experiments) in Kosovo and Timor-Leste. Muschik’s commendable book dispels the misconception that it was only in the 1990s that international organizations sought to assist states in structuring their governance, even if the term ‘state-building’ might not have been in use before that decade. It is a book of many qualities, foremost of which the aim to connect the immediate object of study to broader tendencies in international politics. The purpose of Building States is to assess the role of the UN in establishing the post-Second World War system of states in the context of the fall of colonial empires, economic interdependence and a rise in nationalism. The book analyzes how the UN Secretariat tried to conciliate the conflicting demands of ending colonialism, preserving sovereignty and organizing trusteeships in the name of development. The empirical analysis establishes that the UN should be taken seriously as an actor in world history, that its Secretariat crafted an agenda of its own and did not act at the behest of the West, and that the idea of state-building was conceived in the course of early decolonization as a universally applicable technical instrument rather than a political practice. There are two methodological choices that are worth noting. First, the book selects sources that come almost entirely from UN staff, such as memoirs of international officials. This does not allow much room for voices from the countries receiving assistance. Second, in terms of the choice of cases, those where the Secretariat was heavily involved are dealt with in depth, whereas those where intergovernmental bodies led, such as Trieste and Namibia, are left outside the book’s scope. The introduction grounds the book in the UN’s historiography with a thorough discussion on the organization’s role in the undoing of colonial empires in what ultimately became the decolonization process. Engaging with the works of Pedersen, Mazower and others, Muschik’s book shows how small states and the Secretariat chose to interpret the provisions of the UN
在联合国在科索沃和东帝汶的经验(或实验)之后,国家建设的主题在21世纪初的国际关系文学中变得流行起来。Muschik这本值得称赞的书消除了一种误解,即国际组织只是在20世纪90年代才试图帮助国家构建治理结构,尽管在那个十年之前,“国家建设”一词可能还没有被使用过。这是一本具有许多特点的书,其中最重要的是,它的目的是将当前的研究对象与国际政治中更广泛的趋势联系起来。《构建国家》的目的是在殖民帝国衰落、经济相互依存和民族主义抬头的背景下,评估联合国在建立二战后国家体系方面的作用。这本书分析了联合国秘书处如何试图在结束殖民主义、维护主权和以发展的名义组织托管等相互冲突的要求之间进行调解。实证分析表明,联合国应该作为世界历史上的一个角色被认真对待,其秘书处制定了自己的议程,而不是在西方的要求下行事,国家建设的想法是在早期非殖民化过程中被构想出来的,是一种普遍适用的技术工具,而不是一种政治实践。有两种方法选择值得注意。首先,本书选择的资料来源几乎全部来自联合国工作人员,比如国际官员的回忆录。这没有给受援国的声音留下太多的空间。第二,在选择案例方面,对秘书处大量参与的案例进行了深入讨论,而对诸如的里雅斯特和纳米比亚等政府间机构领导的案例则不在本书的范围之内。引言部分以联合国的史学为基础,对联合国在最终成为非殖民化进程的殖民帝国解体中所扮演的角色进行了深入的讨论。穆斯奇克的书与彼得森、马佐尔等人的著作相结合,展示了小国和联合国秘书处是如何选择解释联合国条款的
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引用次数: 0
Policing, Security Sector Reform and the Rule of Law: More State, More Security? 警务、安全部门改革与法治:更多的国家,更多的安全?
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2144251
Lou Pingeot
Policing in peace operations occupies an interesting position at the intersection of Rule of Law (RoL) and Security Sector Reform (SSR). On the one hand, policing is seen as a part of continuum that includes courts and prisons. On the other, it is associated with broader efforts to reform the state’s coercive arm, including the military, away from practices associated with authoritarianism and repression. While RoL and SSR efforts share concerns about effectiveness and accountability, and are supposed to operate in tune, their emphases and ways of approaching peacebuilding and statebuilding are not exactly the same. The RoL and SSR angles provide for contrasting ways of conceptualizing the main challenges of transforming policing in the wake of conflict. Should the driving concern be the state’s monopoly on the use of force, democratic control of the state’s coercive arm, or everyday security? To what extent do these objectives align? Policing thus provides an interesting viewpoint from which to examine the tensions and contradictions that traverse the contemporary project of keeping and building peace, which is illustrated by the three books examined here. These books differ in scope, authorship and audience. Ansorg and Gordon’s edited volume, Co-operation, Contestation and Complexity in Peacebuilding:
和平行动中的警务在法治和安全部门改革的交叉点上占据着一个有趣的位置。一方面,治安被视为包括法院和监狱在内的连续体的一部分。另一方面,它与更广泛的努力有关,以改革国家的强制机构,包括军队,摆脱与威权主义和镇压有关的做法。虽然RoL和SSR的努力对有效性和问责制有着共同的担忧,并且应该协调一致,但他们处理建设和平和国家建设的重点和方式并不完全相同。RoL和SSR的角度提供了在冲突后转变警务的主要挑战的概念化的对比方法。驱动因素应该是国家对武力使用的垄断、对国家强制机构的民主控制,还是日常安全?这些目标在多大程度上一致?因此,警务提供了一个有趣的视角,从中审视当代维持和建设和平项目中的紧张局势和矛盾,本文所研究的三本书就说明了这一点。这些书的范围、作者和读者各不相同。Ansorg和Gordon编辑的《建设和平中的合作、竞争和复杂性:
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引用次数: 0
A Review of South Africa’s Terms in the United Nations Security Council 对南非在联合国安全理事会任期的审查
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2144250
Suzanne Graham
ABSTRACT South Africa has served as an elected African member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) three times: in 2007–2008; 2011–2012; and 2019–2020. This article grapples with South Africa’s role as an active, voting participant on the UNSC during its third term, with reference to its previous UNSC tenures. Using a three-step model of voting behaviour analysis, the article highlights aspects of South Africa’s international peacekeeping obligations that interested observers have placed considerable value on, to determine its consistency in acting upon its declared foreign policy. This includes the Republic’s role in bringing the UN and African Union (AU) peace and security structures closer together and its efforts in strengthening the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda. The study finds that the Republic has consistently built on its memory from its previous two terms, and its failures and successes, enabling it to utilize its third term in the most optimal way possible to meet its multilateral foreign policy goals.
南非曾三次当选联合国安理会非洲成员国:2007-2008年;2011 - 2012;和2019 - 2020。本文就南非在其第三届任期内作为一个积极的、有投票权的成员国所扮演的角色进行了探讨,并参考了南非之前在联合国安理会的任期。本文使用投票行为分析的三步模型,强调了南非国际维和义务的各个方面,感兴趣的观察员对这些方面非常重视,以确定其在其宣布的外交政策上的行动一致性。这包括共和国在使联合国和非洲联盟(AU)的和平与安全结构更紧密地联系在一起方面所发挥的作用,以及在加强妇女、和平与安全(WPS)议程方面所做的努力。该研究发现,共和国一贯以其前两届任期及其失败和成功的记忆为基础,使其能够以最理想的方式利用其第三届任期,以实现其多边外交政策目标。
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引用次数: 1
Research Handbook on Post-Conflict State Building 冲突后国家建设研究手册
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2140043
P. Diehl
Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie is a Senior Research Fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) and manages the Training for Peace Programme at NUPI. He is a visiting Professor at the University of Buckingham, a visiting Senior Researcher at King’s College London and an Associate Fellow at the Royal United Services Institute. He has lived, conducted field research and shorter missions to Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Nepal, Sudan, South Sudan and Uganda. He tweets at @DrATchie.
Andrew E.Yaw Tchie博士是挪威国际事务研究所(NUPI)的高级研究员,负责管理NUPI的和平培训计划。他是白金汉大学的客座教授、伦敦国王学院的客座高级研究员和皇家联合军种研究所的副研究员。他曾在博茨瓦纳、加纳、肯尼亚、毛里求斯、尼泊尔、苏丹、南苏丹和乌干达生活、进行实地研究和短期访问。他在@DrATchie上发推特。
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引用次数: 0
Explaining Police Misconduct in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, 2010-2019 解释警察在联合国维持和平行动中的不当行为,2010-2019
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.1080/13533312.2022.2132233
Cale Horne, Megan S. Lloyd, Ashley Pieper
ABSTRACT Several recent studies consider the determinants of misconduct by military personnel deployed to United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs). While the majority of peacekeepers carry out their duties honorably and often at great personal risk, these studies operate from the premise that misconduct by even a few peacekeepers can undermine a mission, and reduce support for future missions. Even so, misconduct by civilian police deployed to PKOs remains massively understudied in comparison to their military counterparts, though UN police are more likely to face credible allegations of misconduct compared to UN troops. Based on the inclusive or extractive incentives of contributor states, we find support for the argument that the behavior of security personnel at home readily predicts misconduct when deployed to PKOs. This same logic has implications for the UN's increasingly preferred ‘Formed Police Units,’ whose use may actually increase the likelihood of sexual exploitation and abuse.
最近的几项研究考虑了部署到联合国维和行动(pko)的军事人员不当行为的决定因素。虽然大多数维持和平人员光荣地履行职责,往往冒着巨大的个人风险,但这些研究的前提是,即使是少数维持和平人员的不当行为也会破坏特派团,并减少对未来特派团的支持。即便如此,与军事警察相比,部署到维和行动的民警的不当行为仍未得到充分研究,尽管与联合国部队相比,联合国警察更有可能面临可信的不当行为指控。基于派遣国的包容性或采掘性激励,我们发现支持这样一种观点,即安全人员在国内的行为很容易预测部署到维和行动时的不当行为。同样的逻辑也适用于联合国越来越喜欢的“建制警察部队”,其使用实际上可能增加性剥削和性虐待的可能性。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
International Peacekeeping
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