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Dead-End Scandal in M'Pésoba: Local Politics and Colonial Justice in French West Africa, 1913–18 M'Pésoba的死胡同丑闻:法属西非的地方政治和殖民正义,1913–18
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-10 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853722000512
Wallace Teska
Abstract This article scrutinizes recent histories of colonial and international law that use metropolitan reactions to the ‘scandals of empire’ to project a reform-oriented version of European colonialism. In French West Africa, most scandals never reached the level of metropolitan debate; they hit dead ends in colonial bureaucracies. Analyzing one dead-end scandal, the M'Pésoba Affair, this article argues that colonial justice on the ground often adhered to a politics of expediency, not a reformist rule of law. To maintain their precarious grip on power, colonial administrators had to simultaneously appease their superiors, economic interests, and powerful African actors. Resolving the M'Pésoba Affair, for one, entailed navigating the complex entanglements of cotton production, chiefly disputes, Islamic policy, and interracial sexual relationships in a backwater of empire marked by anticolonial revolt and world war. Especially in moments of crisis, political constraints shaped the application of justice.
摘要本文回顾了殖民地和国际法的近代史,这些历史利用大都市对“帝国丑闻”的反应来投射欧洲殖民主义的改革导向版本。在法属西非,大多数丑闻从未达到大都市辩论的程度;他们在殖民地官僚机构中走到了死胡同。这篇文章分析了一个死胡同丑闻,即M’Pésoba事件,认为当地的殖民正义往往坚持权宜政治,而不是改革主义法治。为了保持对权力的不稳定控制,殖民地行政当局不得不同时安抚他们的上级、经济利益和强大的非洲行为者。例如,解决姆佩索巴事件需要处理棉花生产的复杂纠葛,主要是争端、伊斯兰政策和以反殖民叛乱和世界大战为标志的帝国死水中的跨种族性关系。特别是在危机时刻,政治制约因素影响了司法的实施。
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引用次数: 0
State, Urban Space, Race: Late Colonialism and Segregation at the Ikoyi Reservation in Lagos, Nigeria 国家、城市空间、种族:尼日利亚拉各斯Ikoyi保留地的晚期殖民主义和种族隔离
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853722000494
Tim Livsey
Abstract This article studies the Ikoyi reservation in Lagos, Nigeria to assess changing relationships between the colonial state, urban space, and race between 1935 and 1955. Colonial authorities established reservations as special zones to house colonial officials and other white Westerners. The article shows that the Ikoyi reservation was a significant location where a wide range of actors contested relationships between statehood and race. These renegotiations contributed to making a late colonial state, a terminal form of colonial state in which explicitly racialised discourses of statehood and urban space were challenged while implicitly racialised standards and practices often persisted. Through a focus on Ikoyi, the article highlights the important relationships between segregationist projects and late colonial statehood.
摘要本文研究了尼日利亚拉各斯的Ikoyi保留地,以评估1935年至1955年间殖民国家、城市空间和种族之间不断变化的关系。殖民当局设立保留地作为特区,以安置殖民官员和其他西方白人。这篇文章表明,伊科伊保留地是一个重要的地方,在这里,各种各样的行动者都在争夺国家地位和种族之间的关系。这些重新谈判有助于建立一个晚期殖民国家,这是一种殖民国家的最终形式,在这种形式中,对国家地位和城市空间的明确种族化论述受到了挑战,而隐含的种族化标准和做法往往持续存在。通过对伊科伊的关注,文章强调了种族隔离主义项目与后期殖民国家之间的重要关系。
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引用次数: 0
Queering Colonialism 奇怪的殖民主义
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853722000391
G. Ncube
Although Bolliger does not answer all these questions, his work sets an agenda for scholars look-ing to challenge the assumptions, geographical parameters, and perhaps periodization of conflict in Namibia, Angola, and South Africa in the second half of the twentieth century. He paints a vivid picture of the ‘ vast and uneven “ middle ground ”’ of colonialism, engaging the historiography of African intermediaries by showing that there were not just two sides — African and colonial — but many. 8 Given the historical divides that Bolliger identifies between northern Namibia and the rest of the country, future studies might examine the experiences of Black former soldiers from central and southern Namibia. Still, by centering the experiences of Black former members of apartheid South Africa ’ s security forces, Bolliger underscores the evidentiary flimsiness of the region ’ s official histories and opens the way for further examination of what Southern Africa ’ s unevenly ‘ un-national ’ conflicts entailed for their diverse actors.
尽管博利格没有回答所有这些问题,但他的工作为学者们设定了一个议程,他们希望挑战20世纪下半叶纳米比亚、安哥拉和南非冲突的假设、地理参数,以及可能的分期。他生动地描绘了殖民主义的“广阔而不均衡的中间地带”,通过表明不仅有非洲和殖民两个方面,而且有很多方面,参与了非洲中介的史学工作。8鉴于博利格在纳米比亚北部和该国其他地区之间存在的历史分歧,未来的研究可能会考察纳米比亚中部和南部黑人前士兵的经历。尽管如此,通过以种族隔离的南非安全部队前黑人成员的经历为中心,博利格强调了该地区官方历史的证据不足,并为进一步研究南部非洲不均衡的“非国家”冲突对其不同行为者的影响开辟了道路。
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引用次数: 0
‘Grande Herói da Banda’: The Political Uses of the Memory of Hoji ya Henda in Angola “Grande Herói da Banda”:安哥拉Hoji ya Henda记忆的政治用途
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853722000470
Vasco Martins
Abstract The article explores the political uses of the memory of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola's (MPLA's) heroic combatant Hoji ya Henda from the independence of Angola in 1975 to recent times. Based on extensive archival work in Luanda, the article maps the historical periods and circumstances during which the ruling regime invoked Henda's memory, noting how changes in the political system directly affected how his memory permeated the public domain, oscillating between presence, silence, replacement, and resurgence. In doing so, the article explores a dilemma in the study of memory, opposing historical continuity and active construction in memory-making. It concludes that even when subjected to political manipulation for several decades, the original memorialisation of national heroes such as Hoji ya Henda, although subject to historical circumstance, always retains its original mnemonic signifier in society. This signals an important nuance in entrenched debates concerning the opposition between history and the political construction of memory.
本文探讨了安哥拉人民解放运动(MPLA)英雄战士Hoji ya Henda从1975年安哥拉独立到最近的记忆的政治用途。基于在罗安达大量的档案工作,本文描绘了统治政权唤起亨达记忆的历史时期和环境,注意到政治制度的变化如何直接影响他的记忆如何渗透到公共领域,在存在、沉默、替代和复苏之间摇摆。在此过程中,本文探索了记忆研究中的一个困境,即反对历史连续性和记忆制造中的主动建构。文章的结论是,即使在几十年的政治操纵下,对Hoji ya hada等民族英雄的原始纪念虽然受到历史环境的影响,但在社会中始终保留着其原始的记忆符号。这标志着关于历史和记忆的政治建构之间对立的根深蒂固的争论中一个重要的细微差别。
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引用次数: 0
Biography and History in Zimbabwe 津巴布韦的传记和历史
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853722000366
G. C. Mazarire
This empirically rich book joins a growing group of scholarly works that probe the ‘ un-national ’ char-acteristics of Southern Africa ’ s wars of decolonization by examining the experiences of Black members of apartheid South Africa ’ s security forces, who fought on South Africa ’ s side in Namibia ’ s war of decolonization and the Angolan civil war. Bolliger engages an interdisciplinary literature on soldiers and police in Africa and elsewhere and traces how rank-and-file Africans ’ experiences of training and drill, racial hierarchies, and their units ’ mission and ideology shaped disparate military cultures. What results are what he calls ‘ un-national ’ histories that challenge popular understandings of these wars as struggles for ‘ national liberation ’ . Such interpretations remain prominent in popular and academic discourses in and about Southern Africa and, in particular, Namibia. 1 Bolliger engages the literatures of ‘ un-national ’ liberation and African soldiers and police together to original effect. Like historiographies of intermediaries and the ‘ middle ground of colo-nialism ’ , ‘ un-national ’ histories examine individual experiences and motivations that run against the binary framework of resistance and collaboration. the ‘ un-national ’ ,
这本经验丰富的书加入了越来越多的学术著作,通过研究南非安全部队黑人成员在纳米比亚非殖民化战争和安哥拉内战中站在南非一边的经历,探讨了南部非洲非殖民化战争的“非民族”特征。博利格对非洲和其他地方的士兵和警察进行了跨学科的研究,并追踪了普通非洲人的训练和演习经历、种族等级制度、部队的使命和意识形态如何塑造了不同的军事文化。其结果是他所谓的“非民族”历史,挑战了人们对这些战争是为“民族解放”而斗争的普遍理解。这种解释在关于南部非洲,特别是纳米比亚的流行和学术话语中仍然很突出。1博利格尔将“非民族”解放和非洲士兵和警察的文献结合在一起,产生了原始的效果。就像中间人的历史编纂和“殖民主义的中间地带”一样,“非国家”历史考察了个人的经历和动机,这些经历和动机与抵抗和合作的二元框架背道而驰。“非国家的”,
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引用次数: 1
The Sardauna's Middle East: Regionalism and Backstage Politics in Nigeria's Postcolonial Diplomacy 萨达纳的中东:尼日利亚后殖民外交中的地区主义与后台政治
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0021853722000263
Lynn Schler
Abstract The Middle East conflict has been identified as one of the most polarizing issues in the history of foreign relations of Nigeria during the First Republic (1960–6). The Christian-majority southern regions supported close relations with Israel, while the Muslim-majority Northern Region aligned with Arab states. The Sardauna Ahmadu Bello, Premier of the Northern Region, is remembered as particularly hostile to Israeli incursions in Nigeria. Reviewing new evidence from the Israel State Archives, this article introduces more complexity into portrayals of the Sardauna's positions. Contending with the enormous challenges of decolonization, the Sardauna continually vacillated in his approach to Middle East relations, weighing opportunities against drawbacks in establishing ties. Examining the more accommodating approach that the Sardauna adopted beyond the public eye, we gain new insights into his attempts to achieve political and economic objectives with regard to the Northern Region, while navigating the contentious political landscape of Nigeria's First Republic.
摘要中东冲突被认为是尼日利亚第一共和国(1960-6)外交关系史上最两极化的问题之一。基督教占多数的南部地区支持与以色列建立密切关系,而穆斯林占多数的北部地区则与阿拉伯国家结盟。北方地区总理萨达娜·艾哈迈杜·贝洛(Sardauna Ahmadu Bello)因对以色列入侵尼日利亚特别敌视而被人们铭记。回顾以色列国家档案馆的新证据,这篇文章将更多的复杂性引入到对萨达纳立场的描述中。面对非殖民化的巨大挑战,萨达纳在处理中东关系时不断摇摆不定,在建立关系的过程中权衡机遇和劣势。通过研究萨达纳在公众视线之外采取的更为宽容的方法,我们对他在尼日利亚第一共和国充满争议的政治格局中努力实现北部地区的政治和经济目标有了新的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Visualizing Mozambican History 莫桑比克历史形象化
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853722000342
Carlos Fernandes
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引用次数: 0
‘Eating A Country’: The Dynamics of State-Society Encounters in Qellem, Western Ethiopia, 1908–33 “吃掉一个国家”:1908–33年埃塞俄比亚西部基勒姆的国家社会动态
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853722000457
Etana H. Dinka
Abstract This article examines state-society encounters in imperial Ethiopia through histories of exploitation and compromise. Focusing on the western province of Qellem, the article investigates Ethiopia's engagement with local rights claims over time, illustrating how the state was imagined, negotiated, and partially legitimated. The inherent incoherence within imperial state structures is traced back to the survival of nodes of indigenous power within territories conquered in the late nineteenth century. Peasant representatives, local elites, and Amhara governors and soldier-colonists engaged with the state to turn it to their benefit, or limit its excesses. Episodes of rebellion, withdrawal, and court arbitration punctuated a cycle of negotiation within which the role of the intermediary was key. Qellem experienced a state-making exercise that was contemporaneous with, and comparable to, the formation of European colonial states elsewhere on the continent. As such, this article provides a radical challenge to dominant historiographical perspectives on imperial Ethiopia.
本文通过剥削和妥协的历史考察了埃塞俄比亚帝国的国家-社会遭遇。这篇文章聚焦于西部的Qellem省,调查了埃塞俄比亚长期以来与当地权利要求的接触,说明了这个国家是如何被想象、谈判和部分合法化的。帝国国家结构内部固有的不一致性可以追溯到19世纪后期在被征服的领土上土著权力节点的生存。农民代表、当地精英、阿姆哈拉总督和士兵殖民者与国家合作,使其为他们的利益服务,或限制其过度行为。叛乱、撤退和法庭仲裁的插曲打断了谈判的循环,在这个循环中,中间人的作用是关键。Qellem经历了与欧洲大陆其他地方的欧洲殖民国家的形成同时进行的国家建立活动,并与之相媲美。因此,本文对埃塞俄比亚帝国的主流史学观点提出了激进的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Religion and Nationalism in South Sudan 南苏丹的宗教与民族主义
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853722000330
Jonathon L. Earle
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引用次数: 1
AFH volume 63 issue 2 Cover and Back matter AFH第63卷第2期封面和封底
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0021853722000548
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of African History
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