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Intellectual Legacies, Political Morality, and Disillusionment: Connections Between Two Mozambique Research Institutions, 1976–2017 知识遗产、政治道德和幻灭:1976-2017年莫桑比克两个研究机构之间的联系
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-27 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853723000038
Carlos Fernandes
Abstract States and institutions often narrate their histories in one of two ways: underscoring continuity with the past or proclaiming rupture from it. This article studies the case of two research institutions in independent Mozambique to show that the history of rupture that some postsocialist political and academic actors claim has a more complex history. That history is related to other African independence struggles and newly independent states and is also embedded in the shape of postsocialist life. Focused on a brief period in time and on two research institutes, this article sheds light on wider processes in African history related to institution building, postcolonial universities and education, and the networks of the global 1960s, as well as those of socialist states during the Cold War.
国家和机构通常以两种方式之一来叙述它们的历史:强调与过去的连续性或宣布与过去的决裂。本文以独立的莫桑比克的两个研究机构为例,表明一些后社会主义政治和学术行动者所声称的破裂史有着更为复杂的历史。这段历史与其他非洲独立斗争和新独立国家有关,也与后社会主义生活的形态有关。本文聚焦于一个短暂的时期和两个研究机构,揭示了非洲历史上与制度建设、后殖民大学和教育、20世纪60年代全球网络以及冷战时期社会主义国家有关的更广泛的进程。
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引用次数: 0
Administering the KwaZulu Bantustan 管理夸祖鲁班图斯坦
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1017/S002185372300018X
Laura Phillips
this social engineering strategy out: while most did not remember any particular films, they did remember the lessons in agriculture, health practices, and morality. By the 1950s, colonial officials began to take African critiques of colonial films more seriously, giving greater priority to narrative style and aesthetics, and involving more Africans in film production. As Ndanyi argues, ‘by protesting against badly produced instructional films, African audiences inspired a national dialogue about changes in cinema production’ (128). Instructional Cinema offers a glimpse into the making of colonial cinematic cultures; Ndanyi puts colonial Kenya into dialogue with other areas of the continent and deftly weaves examples from Australia, Canada, the UK, and the US into his study. In addition, he highlights underexplored themes in studies of colonial cinema in Africa of labor, masculinity, childhood, and the gendered dynamics of film production and colonial education. Ndanyi’s economical and elegant writing style and excellent use of images make this book a pleasurable read. While provocative and largely convincing, Ndanyi does leave the reader wanting more. While examples are drawn from multiple regions, with greater emphasis on the larger population concentrations in central and western Kenya, the reader is left to wonder: how ‘national’ was the debate about cinematic production? Were there regional variations in the response to instructional films based on diverse religious, linguistic, and cultural audiences? What did vernacular presses say about colonial films? Who was involved in these film productions? Ndanyi is to be credited for his variety of sources; yet engagement with a wider range of oral interviewees, particularly women, as well as closer analysis of the films themselves and integration of vernacular sources would have enriched an already fascinating study. For undergraduates, this book offers an accessible and enjoyable introduction to the world of cinema in colonial Kenya. For scholars of African history and colonial film history, this book demonstrates the ‘bidirectional’ nature of instructional films in ‘educating’ colonial subjects and the value of studying the active role of Africans in the translation, appropriation, and production of colonial cinematic cultures.
这种社会工程策略:虽然大多数人不记得任何特定的电影,但他们记得农业、健康实践和道德方面的课程。到了20世纪50年代,殖民地官员开始更加重视非洲对殖民地电影的批评,更加重视叙事风格和美学,并让更多的非洲人参与电影制作。正如Ndanyi所说,“通过抗议制作糟糕的教学电影,非洲观众激发了一场关于电影制作变化的全国对话”(128)。教学电影让我们得以一窥殖民地电影文化的形成;恩达尼将殖民地肯尼亚与非洲大陆其他地区进行对话,并巧妙地将澳大利亚、加拿大、英国和美国的例子融入他的研究中。此外,他还强调了非洲殖民电影研究中未被充分挖掘的主题,如劳动、男子气概、童年以及电影制作和殖民教育的性别动态。恩达尼经济优雅的写作风格和对图像的出色运用使这本书成为一本令人愉快的读物。虽然具有挑衅性和很大程度上令人信服,但恩达尼确实让读者想要更多。虽然例子来自多个地区,更强调肯尼亚中部和西部更大的人口集中度,但读者会想:关于电影制作的辩论有多“全国性”?对基于不同宗教、语言和文化观众的教学电影的反应是否存在地区差异?当地媒体对殖民地电影有何评价?谁参与了这些电影的制作?恩达尼的来源多种多样,值得称赞;然而,与更广泛的口头受访者,尤其是女性的接触,以及对电影本身的更深入分析和对本土来源的整合,将丰富本已引人入胜的研究。对于本科生来说,这本书提供了一个简单而愉快的介绍,让他们了解殖民地肯尼亚的电影世界。对于非洲历史和殖民电影史的学者来说,本书展示了教学电影在“教育”殖民主体方面的“双向”性质,以及研究非洲人在殖民电影文化的翻译、挪用和制作中的积极作用的价值。
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引用次数: 0
The Reproduction of Urban Capitalism: Street Food and the Working Day in Colonial Mombasa 城市资本主义的再生产:街头小吃和蒙巴萨殖民地的工作日
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-22 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853723000063
Devin Smart
Abstract This article argues that street food was an essential part of the social reproduction of Mombasa's working class during the colonial period. Like in other expanding capitalist cities, as Mombasa grew, urban workers lived further from their place of employment, which meant they could not return home for their midday meal. Street-food vendors provided them lunch at low prices in convenient locations, and therefore reproduced the working day by provisioning the calories that bridged morning to afternoon. However, postwar municipal authorities also wanted to create a particular kind of urban society in which the ‘informal’ activities of street-food vendors did not fit, and tried to expel them from the city's streets. As these campaigns unfolded, an unresolved contradiction emerged between this elite view of Mombasa, and the reality that the services vendors provided were necessary for the reproduction of the city's economy.
摘要本文认为,街头小吃是殖民时期蒙巴萨工人阶级社会再生产的重要组成部分。像其他不断扩张的资本主义城市一样,随着蒙巴萨的发展,城市工人住得离他们的工作地点更远,这意味着他们不能回家吃午饭。街边小吃摊在方便的地方以低廉的价格为他们提供午餐,因此通过提供从早上到下午的热量来重现工作日。然而,战后的市政当局也想创造一种特殊的城市社会,在这种社会中,街头食品摊贩的“非正式”活动不适合,并试图将他们从城市的街道上驱逐出去。随着这些运动的展开,精英们对蒙巴萨的看法与供应商提供的服务对城市经济的再生产是必要的这一现实之间出现了一个尚未解决的矛盾。
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引用次数: 1
The Conditions of Cancer Treatment in Postcolonial Uganda 后殖民时期乌干达的癌症治疗状况
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-21 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853723000154
B. A. Mulemi
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引用次数: 0
West African Soldiers during the Colonial Era 殖民时期的西非士兵
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-21 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853723000178
G. Njung
Reid — Stapleton ’ s British West African Soldiers contributes substantially to how we understand, reconceptua-lize, theorize, recast, and reinterpret the centrality of the African colonial soldier in the European imperial project. Non-specialist readers in military history will benefit from, among others, Stapleton ’ s insights on colonial racism and ethnocentrism in Africa, religion and the imperial project
里德——斯台普顿的《英国西非士兵》对我们如何理解、重新定义、理论化、重塑和重新解释非洲殖民士兵在欧洲帝国计划中的中心地位做出了重大贡献。军事史的非专业读者将受益于斯台普顿对非洲殖民种族主义和种族中心主义、宗教和帝国计划的见解
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引用次数: 0
Urbanism and Identity in East Africa 东非的城市主义与身份认同
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-20 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853723000166
Garth Myers
belief meant keeping silent about mass atrocities and going along with ZANU’s line, as British High Commissioner Robin Byatt did, that it was ‘a Biafra-type situation’, which meant an internal, ‘ethnic’ conflict that Britain could not intervene in no matter how bloody (284). It is challenging to capture the sprawling, opaque messiness of Zimbabwe’s liberation war with its vast list of actors and multitude of rumours, and at times the book suffers for it. Unlike other similar works, which are respectively organised around a particular administration’s decisionmaking or the political intrigue of a city like Dar es Salaam, Scarnecchia’s book jumps across a dizzying number of institutions, locations, and personalities. At times it is hard to follow why diplomats and politicians thought in particular ways or made particular decisions. The book’s scope also leads to difficult choices. There were some notable omissions, including Third World diplomacy, particularly during the 1960s; ZAPU’s institutional and military history; and a clearer sense of how the diplomacy related to the war’s military events. Given the book’s source material is largely from US and UK archives, there’s also a limited engagement with frontline state perspectives — particularly Mozambique’s, which played the critical role in Mugabe’s rise to power and in hosting ZANU’s army-in-exile during the most intense period of the war. Ultimately, Race and Diplomacy provides an important contribution to the historiography of Zimbabwe’s liberation war as a history of Anglo-American diplomatic initiatives. In this regard, although the book’s central argument about race is more contingent than is claimed, by writing about race as an ideational construct Scarnecchia points the way to diplomatic historians of the late twentieth century for how histories of international relations during this era can be significantly enriched.
信仰意味着对大规模暴行保持沉默,并按照民盟的路线行事,就像英国高级专员罗宾·拜厄特(Robin Byatt)所做的那样,认为这是“比夫拉式的情况”,这意味着无论多么血腥,英国都无法干预的内部“种族”冲突(284)。要捕捉津巴布韦解放战争中纷繁复杂、不透明的混乱局面是一件很有挑战性的事情,其中有大量的演员和众多的谣言,这本书有时也会因此而受到影响。与其他类似的作品不同,这些作品分别围绕一个特定的政府决策或像达累斯萨拉姆这样的城市的政治阴谋进行组织,Scarnecchia的书跨越了令人眼花缭乱的机构、地点和人物。有时很难理解为什么外交官和政治家会以特定的方式思考或做出特定的决定。这本书的范围也导致了艰难的选择。有一些值得注意的遗漏,包括第三世界外交,特别是在20世纪60年代;ZAPU的制度和军事历史;更清楚地认识到外交是如何与战争中的军事事件联系起来的。考虑到这本书的原始材料主要来自美国和英国的档案,对前线国家的视角也有有限的接触——尤其是莫桑比克,它在穆加贝掌权的过程中发挥了关键作用,并在战争最激烈的时期接待了非洲民族联盟的流亡军队。最终,《种族与外交》作为一部英美外交创举的历史,为津巴布韦解放战争的史学研究做出了重要贡献。在这方面,尽管这本书关于种族的中心论点比它声称的更偶然,但通过将种族作为一种观念结构来写作,斯卡尼卡亚为20世纪后期的外交历史学家指出了如何显著丰富这个时代的国际关系史的道路。
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引用次数: 0
Performing the Struggle Against Apartheid 进行反对种族隔离的斗争
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0021853723000099
Valmont Edward Layne
Tyler Fleming’s book provides an account of the first production of ‘King Kong’ — a musical theatre production based on the life of the boxer Ezekiel Dlamini — in 1959. This musical rankled the apartheid state partly because it affirmed the aspirations of a Black urban class against an official state narrative which preferred a Black rural population. As a story of Black urban life that crossed over for mainstream white audiences, and became part of the canon and lore of South African theatre and popular music, the play stands as a landmark in South African cultural history. Fleming’s wellresearched study considers the ways in which the multiracial production confronted petty apartheid legislation. The author offers an abundance of empirical detail on the play’s production, its human and sociopolitical context, and furthers our understanding of African participation in cultural trends — in this case, musical theatre — by invoking Paul Gilroy’s ‘Black Atlantic’ to argue for a multiplicity of perspectives on cultural production. Yet Fleming’s narrative exegesis remains firmly within the discipline of social history, at the expense of accounting for broader theoretical implications of the work. Chapter One considers the story of the character whose life is fictionally depicted in the play — the middling South African boxer Ezekiel Dlamini, whose fortunes and mishaps featured in local news and who died tragically by suicide in 1957. Dlamini’s story inspired a group known as the Union of South African Artists, which had been established earlier in the 1950s to support emerging Black creatives and advocate for better working conditions. Chapter Two picks up their story, tracing — from news and other sources — ways in which the leaders and members of the Union of South African Artists developed the play. It also includes fascinating detail about the organization’s work, such as efforts to secure royalties for Solomon Linda’s evergreen tune ‘Mbube’ (1939), popularised by the Weavers as ‘The Lion Sleeps Tonight’ (1951). The union suffered a blow in 1954, when its founder and patron, the British cleric, Father Trevor Huddleston, was recalled to England. Yet Huddleston’s massive popularity in South Africa also ensured that his farewell event raised enough revenues for the union to acquire premises at the famous Dorkay House in downtown Johannesburg. Chapter Three considers King Kong’s popular reception in the media and, in the process, reads the production for the germs of shared nationhood and the potential for multiracialism in South Africa during the first decade of apartheid rule. This is the story that Fleming sketches in broad strokes, intercut with closely observed empirical examples. Ultimately, he argues that King Kong was critical for how it performed the potential for multiracial and more harmonious futures. As other studies have argued, perhaps, Black popular music, theatre, and cinema promised the possibility of a ‘better’ life (in the material
泰勒·弗莱明(Tyler Fleming)的书讲述了1959年第一部音乐剧《金刚》(King Kong)的制作过程。《金刚》是一部基于拳击手以西结·德拉米尼(Ezekiel Dlamini)生平的音乐剧。这部音乐剧让这个种族隔离的国家耿耿于怀,部分原因是它肯定了城市黑人阶级的愿望,而不是偏爱黑人农村人口的官方叙事。作为一个黑人城市生活的故事,它跨越了主流白人观众,成为南非戏剧和流行音乐的经典和喜爱的一部分,该剧是南非文化史上的一个里程碑。弗莱明的研究充分考虑了多种族生产面对狭隘的种族隔离立法的方式。作者提供了丰富的关于戏剧制作的经验细节,它的人类和社会政治背景,并通过引用保罗·吉尔罗伊的“黑色大西洋”来论证文化生产的多样性观点,进一步加深了我们对非洲参与文化趋势的理解——在这种情况下,音乐剧。然而,弗莱明的叙事训诂仍然牢牢地留在社会历史的学科范围内,而牺牲了对更广泛的理论含义的解释。第一章讲述了剧中虚构人物的故事——南非中级拳击手Ezekiel Dlamini,他的命运和不幸曾在当地新闻中报道,并于1957年不幸自杀身亡。德拉米尼的故事启发了一个名为南非艺术家联盟(Union of South African Artists)的组织,该组织成立于20世纪50年代早期,旨在支持新兴的黑人创意人士,并倡导改善工作条件。第二章讲述了他们的故事,从新闻和其他来源追溯了南非艺术家联盟的领导人和成员发展这部戏剧的方式。书中还包括了该组织工作的有趣细节,比如为所罗门·琳达的长歌《Mbube》(1939年)争取版税所做的努力,这首歌被织工乐队改编为《今夜的狮子沉睡》(1951年)。1954年,当工会的创始人和赞助人,英国牧师特雷弗·哈德尔斯顿神父被召回英国时,工会遭受了打击。然而,赫德尔斯顿在南非的巨大人气也确保了他的告别活动为工会筹集了足够的收入,使其能够在约翰内斯堡市中心著名的多尔凯大厦(Dorkay House)购置场地。第三章考察了《金刚》在媒体上的受欢迎程度,并在此过程中解读了在种族隔离统治的第一个十年中,共同国家地位的萌芽和南非多种族主义的潜力。弗莱明用粗线条勾勒出了这个故事,中间穿插着密切观察的实证例子。最后,他认为《金刚》对于如何实现多种族和更和谐未来的潜力至关重要。正如其他研究认为的那样,也许黑人流行音乐、戏剧和电影在种族隔离早期的南非预示着“更好”生活(在物质意义上)的可能性。我们可以说,从这个意义上说,《金刚》受到了电影和爵士乐的累积影响,把这部作品放到了一个更长的谱系中,在维特·厄尔曼(Veit Erlman)以来的殖民流行文化学者的作品中生动地表现出来。
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引用次数: 0
A Cold War City 冷战时期的城市
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0021853723000075
Andrew Ivaska
system; the party-state had to abandon the assumption of an ‘oily’ socialist economy and instead find more obviously minimalist ways to survive (185). Grace’s account of the inner workings of oil barter in the Tanzanian Petroleum Development Corporation is an interesting and novel contribution to this history, though there is surely more to say about how the ‘self-reliance’ of government officials in the 1970s became a key ingredient of a new catch-as-catch-can capitalism in the 1980s. Grace’s conclusion offers a condensed but suggestive tour of the dramatically different auto world of the 1990s and 2000s: endless snaking foleni ( jams), deadly car crashes, and misafara (quasi-militarized government convoys that stop all traffic for miles and hours). Three decades of cheap oil and liberalized imports (most recently of cheap motorcycle taxis from China) have ensured that urban Tanzania is utterly choked by private transport, while the endless construction projects of the Magufuli administration (2015–21) will only put more wheels on the road. And yet elements of the previous machinic complex remain, from the rough communalism of the minibus (predictably demonized by Western planners) to the general frustration that the rich travel in private, air-conditioned comfort while the poor commute cheek to jowl. Like other recent works, African Motors retrieves the histories of 1970s and 1980s — as well as the deeper histories of African ingenuity — and gives them a new salience. As the planet confronts the limits of endless, petrol-dependent growth, African Motors shows us a different history of automobility, enriching our ability to think the car, development, and even modernity itself otherwise.
系统;党国不得不放弃“油”社会主义经济的假设,转而寻找更明显的极简主义方式来生存(185)。格蕾丝对坦桑尼亚石油开发公司石油易货交易内部运作的描述是对这段历史的有趣而新颖的贡献,尽管关于20世纪70年代政府官员的“自力更生”如何成为20世纪80年代新资本主义的关键因素,肯定还有更多要说的。格蕾丝的结论是对20世纪90年代和21世纪初截然不同的汽车世界进行了一次浓缩但发人深思的旅行:无尽的蜿蜒的foleni(交通堵塞)、致命的车祸和misafara(准军事化的政府车队,让所有交通中断数英里或数小时)。三十年的廉价石油和自由化进口(最近是来自中国的廉价摩托车)确保了坦桑尼亚的城市完全被私人交通堵塞,而马古富力政府(2015-21)无休止的建设项目只会让更多的车轮在路上行驶。然而,以前的机械综合体的元素仍然存在,从小巴的粗糙的公社主义(可以预见的是,被西方规划者妖魔化了)到普遍的沮丧:富人乘坐私人的、有空调的舒适旅行,而穷人则挤在一起上下班。像其他最近的作品一样,《非洲汽车》检索了20世纪70年代和80年代的历史,以及非洲创造力的更深层次的历史,并赋予了它们新的突出性。当地球面临着无限的、依赖汽油的增长的极限时,非洲汽车公司向我们展示了一段不同的汽车历史,丰富了我们思考汽车、发展甚至现代性本身的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Humanitarianism in a Cold War Hot Spot 冷战热点中的人道主义
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1017/S0021853723000191
Charlotte Walker-Said
In recent decades, historians, political scientists, and development experts have demonstrated how humanitarian intervention has eroded state sovereignty and even basic governmental rationality in a variety of countries in the Global South. Jeremy Rich’s book builds off of this literature to examine a nation-state that is arguably more of a ‘political assemblage’ than a cohesively bound, fully sovereign country: the Republic of Congo, renamed ‘Zaire’ in 1971, and currently referred to as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). However, Rich’s Protestant Missionaries and Humanitarianism in the DRC adds significant complexity to previous studies. Rich considers nation-building not by a government or indigenous social movement, but rather by a faith-based humanitarian aid organization — the Congo Protestant Relief Agency (CPRA) — whose leaders and volunteers formulated idiosyncratic and ideologically inconsistent strategies for contributing to and strengthening national reconstruction in Congo. Rich’s work stands in sharp contrast to previous analyses of humanitarian assistance and multilateral aid, as these mainly examine the work of foreign governments and global, secular institutions. Instead, he presents the approaches and worldviews of a missionary society and its aid workers who worked to both reimagine and shore up political stability, governmental legitimacy, and administrative functionality in a newly decolonized Africa. Rich concludes that CPRA’s work in early independence-era Congo marked ‘a watershed period in humanitarianism in Africa during the Cold War’ (7). He accomplishes this by deftly illustrating the dramatic exit of colonial government-sponsored missionary societies and their charitable wings and their replacement by a new iteration of humanitarian agent: faith-based relief organizations. While these new intercessors could be influenced by political agendas emanating from the Global North, much like their predecessors, Rich shows how committed they were to the principles of African self-determination. All relief provision and assistance in postcolonial spaces in the 1960s was to some degree political. Cold War rivalries, former colonial powers attempting to reinforce their prestige, domestic leftist insurgencies, and other political developments reified, misconstrued, or manipulated faith-based and other forms of humanitarian assistance in Congo, turning beneficence into the furtherance of some form of power. Even if neutrality was the stated aim of a humanitarian mission (and it often was not), the activities associated with relief provision or technical assistance directly affected governance, and therefore the survival of different political communities. In this highly precarious
近几十年来,历史学家、政治学家和发展专家证明了人道主义干预如何侵蚀了全球南方各个国家的国家主权,甚至侵蚀了政府的基本理性。Jeremy Rich的书以这些文献为基础,考察了一个民族国家,这个国家可以说更像是一个“政治集会”,而不是一个紧密相连的、完全主权的国家:刚果共和国,1971年更名为“扎伊尔”,目前被称为刚果民主共和国。然而,里奇在刚果民主共和国的新教传教士和人道主义为之前的研究增加了显著的复杂性。Rich认为,国家建设不是由政府或土著社会运动进行的,而是由一个基于信仰的人道主义援助组织——刚果新教救济局(CPRA)——其领导人和志愿者为促进和加强刚果的国家重建制定了独特且意识形态不一致的战略。Rich的工作与之前对人道主义援助和多边援助的分析形成了鲜明对比,因为这些分析主要考察外国政府和全球世俗机构的工作。相反,他展示了一个传教士社会及其援助工作者的方法和世界观,他们致力于在一个新的非殖民化非洲重新构想和巩固政治稳定、政府合法性和行政职能。Rich总结道,CPRA在独立初期刚果的工作标志着“冷战期间非洲人道主义的分水岭时期”(7)。他巧妙地展示了殖民地政府资助的传教会及其慈善分支的戏剧性退出,以及他们被新一代的人道主义代理人——基于信仰的救援组织所取代,从而实现了这一点。虽然这些新的调解者可能会受到来自全球北方的政治议程的影响,就像他们的前任一样,但里奇表明了他们对非洲自决原则的承诺。20世纪60年代后殖民时代的所有救济和援助在某种程度上都是政治性的。冷战时期的对抗、前殖民大国试图加强其威望、国内左翼叛乱以及其他政治发展,具体化、误解或操纵了刚果基于信仰和其他形式的人道主义援助,将慈善转化为某种形式的权力。即使中立是人道主义特派团的既定目标(而且往往不是),与救济或技术援助有关的活动也直接影响到治理,从而影响到不同政治团体的生存。在这种高度不稳定的情况下
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引用次数: 0
People and Animals in Nigerian History 尼日利亚历史上的人和动物
IF 1.1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1017/S002185372300004X
Oliver Coates
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of African History
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