Pub Date : 2023-09-29DOI: 10.1177/00108367231200401
Catherine Goetze
What feelings foster peace? This question is rarely asked in International Relations. This article, therefore, sets out to analyse the way people involved in peace processes speak about feeling by using one particular set of metaphors and allegories, namely, such tropes that refer to family in any way. The article presumes that family metaphors are particularly well suited to speak about difficult feelings since they are inherently ambiguous: on one hand, families are a universal experience, which means that their use speaks to a wide and general public; on the other hand, families are a personal and subjective experience, so that metaphors and allegories can be left unspecified, for each listener to be filled with their own ideas. By looking at speeches by Nobel Peace Prize laureates, the article explores how this ambiguity is used when talking about peace. It finds that family metaphors can build bridges and imagined connectivity; but they can also be used to deny a shared relation between two parties. The article concludes that family metaphors and allegories are capable of not only breaking up conflict lines but also of cementing them in an elusive and subtle way.
{"title":"Symbolic stories of family in the language of peace","authors":"Catherine Goetze","doi":"10.1177/00108367231200401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367231200401","url":null,"abstract":"What feelings foster peace? This question is rarely asked in International Relations. This article, therefore, sets out to analyse the way people involved in peace processes speak about feeling by using one particular set of metaphors and allegories, namely, such tropes that refer to family in any way. The article presumes that family metaphors are particularly well suited to speak about difficult feelings since they are inherently ambiguous: on one hand, families are a universal experience, which means that their use speaks to a wide and general public; on the other hand, families are a personal and subjective experience, so that metaphors and allegories can be left unspecified, for each listener to be filled with their own ideas. By looking at speeches by Nobel Peace Prize laureates, the article explores how this ambiguity is used when talking about peace. It finds that family metaphors can build bridges and imagined connectivity; but they can also be used to deny a shared relation between two parties. The article concludes that family metaphors and allegories are capable of not only breaking up conflict lines but also of cementing them in an elusive and subtle way.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"112 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135243165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-23DOI: 10.1177/00108367231198786
Christine Agius
In the context of Russia’s war in Ukraine, the status of neutrality or military non-alignment is facing deeper challenges since its expected demise in the post–Cold War period. This article explores the gendered and emotional politics of neutrality and its relationship to peace and security. Neutrality has consistently been conceived as an irrational security option for weak states that refuse to bandwagon. ‘Hegemonic’ or ‘disciplining’ discourses of neutrality have conditioned current debates about alliances and security threats, and are imbued with gendered binaries and logics. Such discourses – textual, visual and other – are important because they reveal how neutrality has been positioned in relation to war, peace, morality and agency, and how such positioning constrained the possibilities for thinking about the ‘peace potential’ of neutrality. However, the gendered and emotive history of neutrality also contains a complexity that can be overlooked if simply understood in terms of binary discourses of weakness and irrationality. Inverted gender and emotional codings are also at work in discourses about neutrality. Seeing this complexity in terms of gender and emotions is critically important for conceptualising peace and security beyond narrow confines.
{"title":"Weak, immoral, naïve: Gendered representations of neutrality and the emotional politics of peace and security","authors":"Christine Agius","doi":"10.1177/00108367231198786","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367231198786","url":null,"abstract":"In the context of Russia’s war in Ukraine, the status of neutrality or military non-alignment is facing deeper challenges since its expected demise in the post–Cold War period. This article explores the gendered and emotional politics of neutrality and its relationship to peace and security. Neutrality has consistently been conceived as an irrational security option for weak states that refuse to bandwagon. ‘Hegemonic’ or ‘disciplining’ discourses of neutrality have conditioned current debates about alliances and security threats, and are imbued with gendered binaries and logics. Such discourses – textual, visual and other – are important because they reveal how neutrality has been positioned in relation to war, peace, morality and agency, and how such positioning constrained the possibilities for thinking about the ‘peace potential’ of neutrality. However, the gendered and emotive history of neutrality also contains a complexity that can be overlooked if simply understood in terms of binary discourses of weakness and irrationality. Inverted gender and emotional codings are also at work in discourses about neutrality. Seeing this complexity in terms of gender and emotions is critically important for conceptualising peace and security beyond narrow confines.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"2014 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135965497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-23DOI: 10.1177/00108367231198155
Tom FA Watts, Ingvild Bode
References to the Terminator films are central to Western imaginaries of Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems (LAWS). The puzzle of whether references to the Terminator franchise have featured in the United States’ international regulatory discourse on these technologies nevertheless remains underexplored. Bringing the growing study of AI narratives into a greater dialogue with the International Relations literature on popular culture and world politics, this article unpacks the repository of different stories told about intelligent machines in the first two Terminator films. Through an interpretivist analysis of this material, we examine whether these AI narratives have featured in the US written contributions to the international regulatory debates on LAWS at the United Nations Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons in the period between 2014 and 2022. Our analysis highlights how hopeful stories about what we coin ‘machine guardians’ have been mirrored in these statements: LAWS development has been presented as a means of protecting humans from physical harm, enacting the commands of human decision makers and using force with superhuman levels of accuracy. This suggests that, contrary to existing interpretations, the various stories told about intelligent machines in the Terminator franchise can be mobilised to both support and oppose the possible regulation of these technologies.
{"title":"Machine guardians: The Terminator, AI narratives and US regulatory discourse on lethal autonomous weapons systems","authors":"Tom FA Watts, Ingvild Bode","doi":"10.1177/00108367231198155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367231198155","url":null,"abstract":"References to the Terminator films are central to Western imaginaries of Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems (LAWS). The puzzle of whether references to the Terminator franchise have featured in the United States’ international regulatory discourse on these technologies nevertheless remains underexplored. Bringing the growing study of AI narratives into a greater dialogue with the International Relations literature on popular culture and world politics, this article unpacks the repository of different stories told about intelligent machines in the first two Terminator films. Through an interpretivist analysis of this material, we examine whether these AI narratives have featured in the US written contributions to the international regulatory debates on LAWS at the United Nations Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons in the period between 2014 and 2022. Our analysis highlights how hopeful stories about what we coin ‘machine guardians’ have been mirrored in these statements: LAWS development has been presented as a means of protecting humans from physical harm, enacting the commands of human decision makers and using force with superhuman levels of accuracy. This suggests that, contrary to existing interpretations, the various stories told about intelligent machines in the Terminator franchise can be mobilised to both support and oppose the possible regulation of these technologies.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135957745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-18DOI: 10.1177/00108367231184717
Marie Sandnes
In this article, I make a case for studying the outcome of security cooperation between external and host forces through the lens of their relationship. This is because in order for such military cooperation to have a sustainable effect, the host needs to develop ownership and autonomy over its own security responses. This article sets out from the observation that there is an evident discrepancy between the stated intent and the actual outcome of the cooperation between the G5 Sahel Joint Force (G5S-JF) and external actors. Building on insights from peace-building and security force assistance (SFA) literature, I argue that the relationship between the G5S-JF and external actors is best characterised as one of asymmetric interdependence and that this asymmetric interdependence can explain why the G5S-JF never developed into an autonomous force with ownership over its security responses. The concept of asymmetric interdependence provides a new lens through which to research SFA and can potentially shed light on other relationships between international, regional, national and local actors more generally.
{"title":"The effect of asymmetric interdependence on the outcomes of military cooperation in the Sahel","authors":"Marie Sandnes","doi":"10.1177/00108367231184717","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367231184717","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I make a case for studying the outcome of security cooperation between external and host forces through the lens of their relationship. This is because in order for such military cooperation to have a sustainable effect, the host needs to develop ownership and autonomy over its own security responses. This article sets out from the observation that there is an evident discrepancy between the stated intent and the actual outcome of the cooperation between the G5 Sahel Joint Force (G5S-JF) and external actors. Building on insights from peace-building and security force assistance (SFA) literature, I argue that the relationship between the G5S-JF and external actors is best characterised as one of asymmetric interdependence and that this asymmetric interdependence can explain why the G5S-JF never developed into an autonomous force with ownership over its security responses. The concept of asymmetric interdependence provides a new lens through which to research SFA and can potentially shed light on other relationships between international, regional, national and local actors more generally.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44937357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-18DOI: 10.1177/00108367231184725
Katrin Travouillon, N. Lemay-Hébert, Joanne Wallis
While the ‘emotion turn’ has emerged as an influential analytical lens in International Relations (IR), there is not yet a well-developed understanding of the role that emotions play in facilitating or inhibiting peace. This special issue of Cooperation and Conflict engages with the analytical potential of emotions and the promise this perspective holds for innovative analyses of peace processes and peacebuilding. To demonstrate the political significance of emotions to peace, the contributors explore how emotions shape the bounds and boundaries of actors and alliances committed to fostering peaceful societies. This introductory article offers possible avenues to leverage the analytical potential of IR’s emotions agenda to engage with peace and peacebuilding. First, we discuss how the emotions agenda contributes to the conversation about what peace is and should look like. Second, we argue that emotions can help us to articulate peace as an embodied knowledge of complex socio-political relations and power dynamics. To visualize ‘peace’ without the permanent contrast of violence, we mobilize this perspective to illuminate actors’ practices and the constraints they face in the pursuit of a peaceful political order. Third, we discuss what an emotions agenda for peace might entail for critical and constructive peacebuilding studies.
{"title":"An emotions agenda for peace: Connections beyond feelings, power beyond violence","authors":"Katrin Travouillon, N. Lemay-Hébert, Joanne Wallis","doi":"10.1177/00108367231184725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367231184725","url":null,"abstract":"While the ‘emotion turn’ has emerged as an influential analytical lens in International Relations (IR), there is not yet a well-developed understanding of the role that emotions play in facilitating or inhibiting peace. This special issue of Cooperation and Conflict engages with the analytical potential of emotions and the promise this perspective holds for innovative analyses of peace processes and peacebuilding. To demonstrate the political significance of emotions to peace, the contributors explore how emotions shape the bounds and boundaries of actors and alliances committed to fostering peaceful societies. This introductory article offers possible avenues to leverage the analytical potential of IR’s emotions agenda to engage with peace and peacebuilding. First, we discuss how the emotions agenda contributes to the conversation about what peace is and should look like. Second, we argue that emotions can help us to articulate peace as an embodied knowledge of complex socio-political relations and power dynamics. To visualize ‘peace’ without the permanent contrast of violence, we mobilize this perspective to illuminate actors’ practices and the constraints they face in the pursuit of a peaceful political order. Third, we discuss what an emotions agenda for peace might entail for critical and constructive peacebuilding studies.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41897303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.1177/00108367231184730
W. Coetzee, Sebastian Larsson, Joakim Berndtsson
Contemporary research on so-called Nordic branding has provided crucial insights into the social power of states and how various actors use and circulate ‘progressive’ nation brand tropes for political and commercial goals. Hitherto, the literature on Nordic branding has focused on a wide range of substantive issues, among other things, human rights, gender equality, social welfare and foreign aid, but considerably less attention has been paid to the topic of security. The present article adds to a small but established literature on how the security sphere is increasingly entangled with nation branding. In the Nordic region, we argue, the latter is particularly evident in the case of Sweden – one of the world’s largest per-capita arms exporters in the post-Cold War era but also a country known and often revered for its peaceful and progressive image. Focusing on the case of Sweden, the article contributes to knowledge of how defence industry-related actors (both public and private) draw on and frame nation branding tropes to sell and legitimise their products and services to both insiders (domestic constituents) and outsiders (the global security market).
{"title":"Branding ‘progressive’ security: The case of Sweden","authors":"W. Coetzee, Sebastian Larsson, Joakim Berndtsson","doi":"10.1177/00108367231184730","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367231184730","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary research on so-called Nordic branding has provided crucial insights into the social power of states and how various actors use and circulate ‘progressive’ nation brand tropes for political and commercial goals. Hitherto, the literature on Nordic branding has focused on a wide range of substantive issues, among other things, human rights, gender equality, social welfare and foreign aid, but considerably less attention has been paid to the topic of security. The present article adds to a small but established literature on how the security sphere is increasingly entangled with nation branding. In the Nordic region, we argue, the latter is particularly evident in the case of Sweden – one of the world’s largest per-capita arms exporters in the post-Cold War era but also a country known and often revered for its peaceful and progressive image. Focusing on the case of Sweden, the article contributes to knowledge of how defence industry-related actors (both public and private) draw on and frame nation branding tropes to sell and legitimise their products and services to both insiders (domestic constituents) and outsiders (the global security market).","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41804329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.1177/00108367231184731
Simon Koschut
Recent International Relations scholarship has emphasized the significance of ritual and emotion in international politics. Much less attention has been paid to instances of ritual failure. Ritual failure refers to the occurrence of deliberate mistakes, errors or sabotage to contest the sociocultural boundaries, hierarchies and structures underlying international rituals. In this article, I argue that ritual is an emotion transformer that generates a sense of community among North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members. Successful ritual makes community members experience ‘we-feeling’, which underpins peaceful change in a security community. NATO members carry the group-aroused emotions for a time and come out of the ritual encounter feeling strong and confident. Conversely, a failed ritual lowers the confidence of community members because they do not experience ‘we-feeling’. I suggest that this explains the internal divisions and anxieties when rituals go wrong, such as during Trump’s infamous speech in front of the new NATO headquarters in 2017.
{"title":"When international rituals go wrong: How ritual failure undermines peaceful change in NATO","authors":"Simon Koschut","doi":"10.1177/00108367231184731","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367231184731","url":null,"abstract":"Recent International Relations scholarship has emphasized the significance of ritual and emotion in international politics. Much less attention has been paid to instances of ritual failure. Ritual failure refers to the occurrence of deliberate mistakes, errors or sabotage to contest the sociocultural boundaries, hierarchies and structures underlying international rituals. In this article, I argue that ritual is an emotion transformer that generates a sense of community among North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members. Successful ritual makes community members experience ‘we-feeling’, which underpins peaceful change in a security community. NATO members carry the group-aroused emotions for a time and come out of the ritual encounter feeling strong and confident. Conversely, a failed ritual lowers the confidence of community members because they do not experience ‘we-feeling’. I suggest that this explains the internal divisions and anxieties when rituals go wrong, such as during Trump’s infamous speech in front of the new NATO headquarters in 2017.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42928702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-11DOI: 10.1177/00108367231184723
Janina Heaphy
Since 9/11, considerable research has been done on US interrogation and detention operations, but comparatively little is known about the involvement of other traditionally liberal states’ intelligence agencies and their evolving perspectives on torture-related policies for foreigners abroad. Particularly, the United Kingdom and Germany provide interesting cases; despite similar levels of public and political pressure regarding their indirect involvement in Central Intelligence Agency’s operations, the two states took different strategic decisions in 2010 on whether to implement new extraterritorial human rights safeguards. While the United Kingdom introduced a new intelligence guidance for interrogations overseas, the German government opted for policy-continuance, which raises the question why the two states embarked on different policy trajectories, even if they found themselves in contextually similar situations and were subjected to the comparable accountability measures. By bridging insights from Rationalist and normative literature, the article addresses this conundrum by clearly outlining the states’ differing strategic preferences, and by dissecting the multi-layered composition of these interests. As a result, the article delineates how strategic constraints pertaining to the states’ national, international, or political elite level affect decision-makers’ policy responses.
{"title":"When identity meets strategy: The development of British and German anti-torture policies since 9/11","authors":"Janina Heaphy","doi":"10.1177/00108367231184723","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367231184723","url":null,"abstract":"Since 9/11, considerable research has been done on US interrogation and detention operations, but comparatively little is known about the involvement of other traditionally liberal states’ intelligence agencies and their evolving perspectives on torture-related policies for foreigners abroad. Particularly, the United Kingdom and Germany provide interesting cases; despite similar levels of public and political pressure regarding their indirect involvement in Central Intelligence Agency’s operations, the two states took different strategic decisions in 2010 on whether to implement new extraterritorial human rights safeguards. While the United Kingdom introduced a new intelligence guidance for interrogations overseas, the German government opted for policy-continuance, which raises the question why the two states embarked on different policy trajectories, even if they found themselves in contextually similar situations and were subjected to the comparable accountability measures. By bridging insights from Rationalist and normative literature, the article addresses this conundrum by clearly outlining the states’ differing strategic preferences, and by dissecting the multi-layered composition of these interests. As a result, the article delineates how strategic constraints pertaining to the states’ national, international, or political elite level affect decision-makers’ policy responses.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44398402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-11DOI: 10.1177/00108367231184720
Katrin Travouillon
To effectively challenge the bland determinism of liberal peace intervention models, scholars and practitioners have called for more courageous and creative peacebuilding approaches. In support of this agenda, the article offers a critical reading of transitional justice scholarship to elucidate the co-constitutive function between the politicization of emotions, their attempted socialization, and the perpetuation of liberal rationalities in transitions to justice and peace. Mobilizing the feminist concept of “uptake” it argues that the liberal vision of peace and its implicit biases toward negative emotions are retained and reproduced in the temporal, institutional, and ideological dimensions of liberal interventions. With its focus on the micro-level, the concept of “uptake” can help us to observe how they shape the emerging emotional environment in transitions. It foregrounds how dominant visions of order assert themselves by providing pragmatic opportunities for reasonable courses of action to shape people’s grievances—thus stifling their potential to inform more challenging practices and conversations. The article aims to support the emergence of a more diverse language and culture of peace by illustrating what a sensitivity for the power of uptake entails and how it can be mobilized to creatively confront the limits of a (neo)liberal vision of peace.
{"title":"The power of uptake: Negative emotions and the (neo)liberal limits of imagination in transitions to justice and peace","authors":"Katrin Travouillon","doi":"10.1177/00108367231184720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367231184720","url":null,"abstract":"To effectively challenge the bland determinism of liberal peace intervention models, scholars and practitioners have called for more courageous and creative peacebuilding approaches. In support of this agenda, the article offers a critical reading of transitional justice scholarship to elucidate the co-constitutive function between the politicization of emotions, their attempted socialization, and the perpetuation of liberal rationalities in transitions to justice and peace. Mobilizing the feminist concept of “uptake” it argues that the liberal vision of peace and its implicit biases toward negative emotions are retained and reproduced in the temporal, institutional, and ideological dimensions of liberal interventions. With its focus on the micro-level, the concept of “uptake” can help us to observe how they shape the emerging emotional environment in transitions. It foregrounds how dominant visions of order assert themselves by providing pragmatic opportunities for reasonable courses of action to shape people’s grievances—thus stifling their potential to inform more challenging practices and conversations. The article aims to support the emergence of a more diverse language and culture of peace by illustrating what a sensitivity for the power of uptake entails and how it can be mobilized to creatively confront the limits of a (neo)liberal vision of peace.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44758944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-07DOI: 10.1177/00108367231184721
R. Jeffery
Drawing on contemporary research on the nature and treatment of trauma in psychology, neuroscience and the emerging field of art therapy, this article adopts a psychosocial approach to examine the role that the arts may play in assisting individuals and societies to recover from the trauma of violent conflict and contribute to the establishment of sustainable peace. Taking a broad understanding of the arts to include a range of creative endeavours, it primarily focuses on non-verbal art forms, including but not restricted to music, painting, sculpture, drawing and dance, as well as traditional arts and crafts. It demonstrates that many art forms have the potential to make specific contributions to the amelioration of conflict-related trauma by addressing pervasive non-verbal memories that typically stand outside the remit of more conventional psychosocial practices, such as truth-telling and storytelling. They do so, it argues, by providing a means of expressing, evoking, regulating and transforming the emotions in ways that allow individuals and societies to confront and acknowledge their violent pasts, develop supportive relationships in the present and draw on their creativity to imagine a better future.
{"title":"Addressing psychosocial trauma in post-conflict peacebuilding: Emotions in narrative and arts-based approaches","authors":"R. Jeffery","doi":"10.1177/00108367231184721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367231184721","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on contemporary research on the nature and treatment of trauma in psychology, neuroscience and the emerging field of art therapy, this article adopts a psychosocial approach to examine the role that the arts may play in assisting individuals and societies to recover from the trauma of violent conflict and contribute to the establishment of sustainable peace. Taking a broad understanding of the arts to include a range of creative endeavours, it primarily focuses on non-verbal art forms, including but not restricted to music, painting, sculpture, drawing and dance, as well as traditional arts and crafts. It demonstrates that many art forms have the potential to make specific contributions to the amelioration of conflict-related trauma by addressing pervasive non-verbal memories that typically stand outside the remit of more conventional psychosocial practices, such as truth-telling and storytelling. They do so, it argues, by providing a means of expressing, evoking, regulating and transforming the emotions in ways that allow individuals and societies to confront and acknowledge their violent pasts, develop supportive relationships in the present and draw on their creativity to imagine a better future.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45173348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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