Pub Date : 2024-08-31DOI: 10.1177/00108367241269620
Fulya Hisarlıoğlu, Lerna K. Yanık
How do status symbols rise and fall? Or better said, how does a status symbol become a status symbol and then cease to be one? We examine the rise and the fall of the Ottoman Empire’s two socialization practices with the international society as status symbols: sending and receiving envoys/establishing permanent representation abroad and granting capitulations/extraterritoriality—economic and legal privileges to primarily European countries. We argue and illustrate that status symbols are products of hegemons of the time that dictate the status symbols of the international order at that particular point in time, with little or no recognition. These symbols emanating from the position that the states occupy in the hierarchy can be status-enhancing rather than status-achieving if these states perceive and locate themselves in the higher echelons of the hierarchy in the international order. We contribute to status-seeking literature by examining the rise and fall of status symbols in a non-Western setting and merging ideational and material factors in status-seeking literature.
{"title":"The rise and fall of the Ottoman Empire’s religiously inspired status symbols","authors":"Fulya Hisarlıoğlu, Lerna K. Yanık","doi":"10.1177/00108367241269620","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367241269620","url":null,"abstract":"How do status symbols rise and fall? Or better said, how does a status symbol become a status symbol and then cease to be one? We examine the rise and the fall of the Ottoman Empire’s two socialization practices with the international society as status symbols: sending and receiving envoys/establishing permanent representation abroad and granting capitulations/extraterritoriality—economic and legal privileges to primarily European countries. We argue and illustrate that status symbols are products of hegemons of the time that dictate the status symbols of the international order at that particular point in time, with little or no recognition. These symbols emanating from the position that the states occupy in the hierarchy can be status-enhancing rather than status-achieving if these states perceive and locate themselves in the higher echelons of the hierarchy in the international order. We contribute to status-seeking literature by examining the rise and fall of status symbols in a non-Western setting and merging ideational and material factors in status-seeking literature.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142212235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-29DOI: 10.1177/00108367241269623
Nicholas Lees
Class is often neglected as a factor influencing foreign policy. While recent research explains the foreign policy positions of states in terms of the preferences of a ruling regime’s key constituencies of support, these accounts have not investigated how inter-state relations are influenced by specific class-based social forces. Influenced by liberal pluralism, they are agnostic about the role of class. By contrast, neo-Gramscian approaches conceptualise foreign policy as resulting from the configuration of class-based social forces, which form a ‘state-society complex’ in conjunction with institutions. The foreign policy stances of states have social foundations. Drawing on an expert survey by the Varieties of Democracy project, fixed-effects and first-difference regression analyses indicate that dependence on support from specific class-based groups is associated with distinct voting positions at the United Nations General Assembly. These findings are consistent with the argument that foreign policy has social foundations: class politics shapes world politics.
{"title":"Is world politics class politics? States, social forces and voting in the United Nations General Assembly 1946–2020","authors":"Nicholas Lees","doi":"10.1177/00108367241269623","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367241269623","url":null,"abstract":"Class is often neglected as a factor influencing foreign policy. While recent research explains the foreign policy positions of states in terms of the preferences of a ruling regime’s key constituencies of support, these accounts have not investigated how inter-state relations are influenced by specific class-based social forces. Influenced by liberal pluralism, they are agnostic about the role of class. By contrast, neo-Gramscian approaches conceptualise foreign policy as resulting from the configuration of class-based social forces, which form a ‘state-society complex’ in conjunction with institutions. The foreign policy stances of states have social foundations. Drawing on an expert survey by the Varieties of Democracy project, fixed-effects and first-difference regression analyses indicate that dependence on support from specific class-based groups is associated with distinct voting positions at the United Nations General Assembly. These findings are consistent with the argument that foreign policy has social foundations: class politics shapes world politics.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142212236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-03DOI: 10.1177/00108367241263288
Maria Hadjiathanasiou
By interrogating the role of status symbols in Britain’s (de)colonial management practices, this article joins an emerging body of International Relation (IR) scholarship that conducts historical analyses of international status dynamics. Situated within the context of the age of the mid-20th century, at a time when empires were increasingly contested by their colonial subjects via near-simultaneous violent insurgency campaigns, this article aims to further our understanding on the (mis)use of imperial status symbols, using the case study of the British colony of Cyprus. Drawing upon unpublished material accessed via the Cyprus State Archives, the article reads this newly found material, such as Savingrams, Circulars and private correspondence between Empire officials in the metropole and the colony, to explore how Britain introduced several status symbols on its colonial subjects. The article argues that Britain did so, for a specific purpose, namely to maintain an informal empire as soon as ‘boots were off the ground’, by influencing and managing selected colonial subjects, thus safeguarding its imperial legacy. At the same time, the article investigates how these colonial subjects successfully leveraged the prospect of a lingering ‘British connection’, while simultaneously a large part of the Greek Cypriot community stood, and even fought, against this connection.
{"title":"‘Recognising Merit’ in late British colonial Cyprus","authors":"Maria Hadjiathanasiou","doi":"10.1177/00108367241263288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367241263288","url":null,"abstract":"By interrogating the role of status symbols in Britain’s (de)colonial management practices, this article joins an emerging body of International Relation (IR) scholarship that conducts historical analyses of international status dynamics. Situated within the context of the age of the mid-20th century, at a time when empires were increasingly contested by their colonial subjects via near-simultaneous violent insurgency campaigns, this article aims to further our understanding on the (mis)use of imperial status symbols, using the case study of the British colony of Cyprus. Drawing upon unpublished material accessed via the Cyprus State Archives, the article reads this newly found material, such as Savingrams, Circulars and private correspondence between Empire officials in the metropole and the colony, to explore how Britain introduced several status symbols on its colonial subjects. The article argues that Britain did so, for a specific purpose, namely to maintain an informal empire as soon as ‘boots were off the ground’, by influencing and managing selected colonial subjects, thus safeguarding its imperial legacy. At the same time, the article investigates how these colonial subjects successfully leveraged the prospect of a lingering ‘British connection’, while simultaneously a large part of the Greek Cypriot community stood, and even fought, against this connection.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141934702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-26DOI: 10.1177/00108367241263274
Halvard Leira, Benjamin de Carvalho
(Ouverture) By making the case for opera houses as symbols of civilized status in International Relations (IR), this article addresses the discrepancy between the waning popularity of opera and the veritable boom in new opera houses we are witnessing across the globe. We foreground the multivocality of status symbols—they may be intended to communicate more than one meaning, by and to more than one audience. Whether intended as vehicles of urban, regional, or national status ambitions, building opera houses has signaled civilizational achievements. After a brief exploration of status symbols, we explore opera houses in general, before turning to a more in-depth study of the recent Oslo Opera House. Through the empirical study we show how opera houses have been (and still are) complex status symbols, with multiple internal and external dimensions, straddling the line between getting other states to sing along or serving mainly for purposes of singing alone. Finally, we posit that the current international boom in opera houses is a testimony to the enduring importance of being perceived as civilized in IR—long after the standard of civilization has ceased to be explicitly applied.
{"title":"The importance of being civilized: Opera houses as status symbols in International Relations","authors":"Halvard Leira, Benjamin de Carvalho","doi":"10.1177/00108367241263274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367241263274","url":null,"abstract":"(Ouverture) By making the case for opera houses as symbols of civilized status in International Relations (IR), this article addresses the discrepancy between the waning popularity of opera and the veritable boom in new opera houses we are witnessing across the globe. We foreground the multivocality of status symbols—they may be intended to communicate more than one meaning, by and to more than one audience. Whether intended as vehicles of urban, regional, or national status ambitions, building opera houses has signaled civilizational achievements. After a brief exploration of status symbols, we explore opera houses in general, before turning to a more in-depth study of the recent Oslo Opera House. Through the empirical study we show how opera houses have been (and still are) complex status symbols, with multiple internal and external dimensions, straddling the line between getting other states to sing along or serving mainly for purposes of singing alone. Finally, we posit that the current international boom in opera houses is a testimony to the enduring importance of being perceived as civilized in IR—long after the standard of civilization has ceased to be explicitly applied.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141774778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-26DOI: 10.1177/00108367241261483
Mathias Albert, Ian Crawford, Eva Erman, Oliver Kessler, Jens Bartelson, Mitja Sienknecht, Heikki Patomäki
In this forum, six scholars discuss Heikki Patomäki’s book World Statehood: The Future of World Politics, published in 2023. The editor’s introduction situates it in the discursive contexts of cosmopolitanism, deep history and functional differentiation. Ian Crawford looks at the concept of world statehood from an astrobiologist’s point of view, putting the debate in the context of research on the possibility of life existing beyond Earth. Eva Erman notes that there are methodological issues that primarily derive from a missing distinction between theoretical and practical normativity in Patomäki’s thought. Oliver Kessler offers a critical perspective on underlying, and possibly unrealistic, assumptions about a universal translatability of specialized knowledges and vocabularies that he argues underlines Patomäki’s project. Jens Bartelson argues that the concept of world community has probably accumulated too much conceptual baggage to be useful in building world statehood. Mitja Sienknecht observes that the evolution of artificial intelligence is insufficiently addressed in World Statehood and probes possible implications in this respect. Heikki Patomäki then replies to these contributions.
{"title":"Forum on Heikki Patomäki’s World Statehood: The Future of World Politics","authors":"Mathias Albert, Ian Crawford, Eva Erman, Oliver Kessler, Jens Bartelson, Mitja Sienknecht, Heikki Patomäki","doi":"10.1177/00108367241261483","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367241261483","url":null,"abstract":"In this forum, six scholars discuss Heikki Patomäki’s book World Statehood: The Future of World Politics, published in 2023. The editor’s introduction situates it in the discursive contexts of cosmopolitanism, deep history and functional differentiation. Ian Crawford looks at the concept of world statehood from an astrobiologist’s point of view, putting the debate in the context of research on the possibility of life existing beyond Earth. Eva Erman notes that there are methodological issues that primarily derive from a missing distinction between theoretical and practical normativity in Patomäki’s thought. Oliver Kessler offers a critical perspective on underlying, and possibly unrealistic, assumptions about a universal translatability of specialized knowledges and vocabularies that he argues underlines Patomäki’s project. Jens Bartelson argues that the concept of world community has probably accumulated too much conceptual baggage to be useful in building world statehood. Mitja Sienknecht observes that the evolution of artificial intelligence is insufficiently addressed in World Statehood and probes possible implications in this respect. Heikki Patomäki then replies to these contributions.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141775245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-25DOI: 10.1177/00108367241254307
Maria Mälksoo
How can a signal of extended deterrence, such as prepositioning of foreign military forces, signify status for the beneficiaries of the allied deterrence/reassurance chain? This article explores how the manifestation and communication of allied deterrence can concurrently constitute an affectively charged status symbol for the protégé states of this international security practice. It does so on the example of the Baltic states and Poland, probing the presence and functionality of the American forces as a status marker in North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)’s eastern flank states after 2014. Engaging discourse analysis and expert interviews, the article shows (1) how the intersubjectively determined success of deterrence is dependent on historically potent symbols which have become emblematic of extended deterrence and (2) how deterrence icons can simultaneously serve as multifarious status symbols in intra-alliance politics. The self-identification of protégé states as worthy stakes to deter over emerges as an ambivalent status position defined by the shortage of attributes, rather than a function of their tally. The article contributes to the understanding of the symbolic form of (allied) deterrence and the multivocal status value ascribed to the American ‘boots on the ground’.
{"title":"Deterrence icons as status symbols: American forces in NATO’s eastern flank","authors":"Maria Mälksoo","doi":"10.1177/00108367241254307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367241254307","url":null,"abstract":"How can a signal of extended deterrence, such as prepositioning of foreign military forces, signify status for the beneficiaries of the allied deterrence/reassurance chain? This article explores how the manifestation and communication of allied deterrence can concurrently constitute an affectively charged status symbol for the protégé states of this international security practice. It does so on the example of the Baltic states and Poland, probing the presence and functionality of the American forces as a status marker in North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)’s eastern flank states after 2014. Engaging discourse analysis and expert interviews, the article shows (1) how the intersubjectively determined success of deterrence is dependent on historically potent symbols which have become emblematic of extended deterrence and (2) how deterrence icons can simultaneously serve as multifarious status symbols in intra-alliance politics. The self-identification of protégé states as worthy stakes to deter over emerges as an ambivalent status position defined by the shortage of attributes, rather than a function of their tally. The article contributes to the understanding of the symbolic form of (allied) deterrence and the multivocal status value ascribed to the American ‘boots on the ground’.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"49 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141152019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-08DOI: 10.1177/00108367241237636
Nicole Wegner
This article investigates the role of emotions and the conceptual use of peace to justify martial violence. Drawing upon empirical evidence collected at the Canadian War Museum, the article explores how representations of war history present militarized violence as both a threat to, and the solution for, global peace. Building on scholarship in IR and Peace Studies that theorizes the relationship between war and peace, this article puts forward a novel analytical concept – martial peace – to investigate this paradox. It theorizes that manoeuvring peace as a justification for military activities not only results in depoliticizing the contexts of conflicts and war, but also serves to euphemize the violence that occurs in the name of peace and within so-called peaceful societies. Using Canada as a case study, the article explores how martial peace obscures settler colonialism and generates affective militarism as key components of nationalist projects.
{"title":"Martial(ling) peace at the war museum: Emotion, desires and representations of the war-peace dichotomy","authors":"Nicole Wegner","doi":"10.1177/00108367241237636","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367241237636","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the role of emotions and the conceptual use of peace to justify martial violence. Drawing upon empirical evidence collected at the Canadian War Museum, the article explores how representations of war history present militarized violence as both a threat to, and the solution for, global peace. Building on scholarship in IR and Peace Studies that theorizes the relationship between war and peace, this article puts forward a novel analytical concept – martial peace – to investigate this paradox. It theorizes that manoeuvring peace as a justification for military activities not only results in depoliticizing the contexts of conflicts and war, but also serves to euphemize the violence that occurs in the name of peace and within so-called peaceful societies. Using Canada as a case study, the article explores how martial peace obscures settler colonialism and generates affective militarism as key components of nationalist projects.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140937257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-18DOI: 10.1177/00108367241244966
Veit Bachmann, Sami Moisio
The European Union (EU) functions as a productive power in the process of expanding the global knowledge economy. As such, it contributes to the planetary organic crisis – as opposed to its claim of countering it. In making this argument, we focus on two of the five dimensions identified by Manners as constitutive of the planetary organic crisis: sociomaterial inequality and ethnonationalism. Both dimensions are of fundamental concern to the normative power approach (NPA) and the Frankfurt School (FS) critical theory. We critically scrutinise how knowledge-based economisation, as the latest phase of capitalist expansion, hierarchises different spaces within and between states. Such sociospatial hierarchisations are often accompanied by alienation processes and are, thus, detrimental for the functioning of the democratic state. While both NPA and the FS share the ambition to work against such hierarchisation, they also share the dilemma of how to advance normative values in a non-authoritarian, non-imperial way. We thus suggest for both the FS and the NPA, and for the EU as geopolitical actor, to draw inspiration from a broader understanding of ‘critical theories’, including postcolonial, feminist or critical race theories as a necessary step to de-imperialise both our theoretical understanding and the EU’s global role.
{"title":"An inquiry into the EU’s role in global domination: Thinking normative power through the Frankfurt School","authors":"Veit Bachmann, Sami Moisio","doi":"10.1177/00108367241244966","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367241244966","url":null,"abstract":"The European Union (EU) functions as a productive power in the process of expanding the global knowledge economy. As such, it contributes to the planetary organic crisis – as opposed to its claim of countering it. In making this argument, we focus on two of the five dimensions identified by Manners as constitutive of the planetary organic crisis: sociomaterial inequality and ethnonationalism. Both dimensions are of fundamental concern to the normative power approach (NPA) and the Frankfurt School (FS) critical theory. We critically scrutinise how knowledge-based economisation, as the latest phase of capitalist expansion, hierarchises different spaces within and between states. Such sociospatial hierarchisations are often accompanied by alienation processes and are, thus, detrimental for the functioning of the democratic state. While both NPA and the FS share the ambition to work against such hierarchisation, they also share the dilemma of how to advance normative values in a non-authoritarian, non-imperial way. We thus suggest for both the FS and the NPA, and for the EU as geopolitical actor, to draw inspiration from a broader understanding of ‘critical theories’, including postcolonial, feminist or critical race theories as a necessary step to de-imperialise both our theoretical understanding and the EU’s global role.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140625159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-18DOI: 10.1177/00108367241246535
Katrina Lee-Koo, Lesley Pruitt
In this article, we develop a model of intergenerational peace leadership (IPL) with a particular focus upon young women’s peace leadership. IPL remains under-theorised and under-recognised in both global policy and academic scholarship. We therefore outline and advocate for a young women-focussed IPL model as an opportunity for robust and sustainable peace leadership that aligns with broader UN-driven inclusive peace agendas. We begin the article with efforts to theorise IPL and situate it at the centre of inclusive and sustainable peace agendas. Second, we look at the challenges facing IPL, drawing from three case studies (Papua New Guinea/Bougainville, Nepal and Myanmar) of women’s peace leadership in Asia and the Pacific. While we do identify commitments to IPL in the region, we find significant barriers that undermine its transformative potential. These emerge from contested power dynamics and hierarchies between older and younger generations, which result in young women being marginalised, ignored and silenced within ostensibly intergenerational peace forums. We therefore argue that while IPL is an important link necessary for advancing inclusive peace agendas, we must identify and engage with the hierarchies that hinder its transformative potential.
{"title":"Prospects for intergenerational peace leadership: Reflections from Asia and the Pacific","authors":"Katrina Lee-Koo, Lesley Pruitt","doi":"10.1177/00108367241246535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367241246535","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we develop a model of intergenerational peace leadership (IPL) with a particular focus upon young women’s peace leadership. IPL remains under-theorised and under-recognised in both global policy and academic scholarship. We therefore outline and advocate for a young women-focussed IPL model as an opportunity for robust and sustainable peace leadership that aligns with broader UN-driven inclusive peace agendas. We begin the article with efforts to theorise IPL and situate it at the centre of inclusive and sustainable peace agendas. Second, we look at the challenges facing IPL, drawing from three case studies (Papua New Guinea/Bougainville, Nepal and Myanmar) of women’s peace leadership in Asia and the Pacific. While we do identify commitments to IPL in the region, we find significant barriers that undermine its transformative potential. These emerge from contested power dynamics and hierarchies between older and younger generations, which result in young women being marginalised, ignored and silenced within ostensibly intergenerational peace forums. We therefore argue that while IPL is an important link necessary for advancing inclusive peace agendas, we must identify and engage with the hierarchies that hinder its transformative potential.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140629109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-18DOI: 10.1177/00108367241244978
Gergana Noutcheva, Kateryna Zarembo
This article traces the effects of European Union (EU) normative power on security sector reform in Ukraine. We argue that to get a better grasp of how normative power works in practice, we need to scrutinize more closely the domestic journey of EU norms. This local lens allows us to uncover the inherent contestation involved in the transnational travel of norms, emphasizing the importance of local agency and local conceptions of normativity. We reveal the internal struggle between liberal democratic norms and deeply ingrained attitudes, institutions and behaviours linked to the Soviet legacy. We show how EU democratic norms gradually empower domestic constituencies and overcome domestic structural resistance to change, leading to democratic advances in a sector least likely to reform.
{"title":"Normative power at its unlikeliest: EU democratic norms and security service reform in Ukraine","authors":"Gergana Noutcheva, Kateryna Zarembo","doi":"10.1177/00108367241244978","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00108367241244978","url":null,"abstract":"This article traces the effects of European Union (EU) normative power on security sector reform in Ukraine. We argue that to get a better grasp of how normative power works in practice, we need to scrutinize more closely the domestic journey of EU norms. This local lens allows us to uncover the inherent contestation involved in the transnational travel of norms, emphasizing the importance of local agency and local conceptions of normativity. We reveal the internal struggle between liberal democratic norms and deeply ingrained attitudes, institutions and behaviours linked to the Soviet legacy. We show how EU democratic norms gradually empower domestic constituencies and overcome domestic structural resistance to change, leading to democratic advances in a sector least likely to reform.","PeriodicalId":47286,"journal":{"name":"Cooperation and Conflict","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140630971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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