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How do the emotional and embodied experiences of international interveners influence their understanding and practice of peacebuilding? 国际干预者的情感和具体经历如何影响他们对建设和平的理解和实践?
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-06 DOI: 10.1177/00108367231184724
Joanne Wallis
What happens if international interveners feel emotions that they consider unsanctioned, unwanted and unprofessional? What if they enact and manage their emotions in ways that they – or others – deem unacceptable? If international interveners face anxiety about being ‘too emotional’ or not feeling or expressing the ‘right’ emotions, does this challenge their sense of identity? And what consequences could this have for peacebuilding and the conflict-affected population in which they were working? Building on the growing body of critical peace and conflict scholarship that has analysed international interveners at the micro-scale, this article analyses how individual interveners’ emotional and embodied experiences influence their understanding and practice of peacebuilding. Based on a discourse analysis of the memoirs of 10 international interveners, this article identifies two primary interpretive repertoires that the interveners employed and argues that they generated two ideal-type subject positions: the intervener as objective, rational, technocratic ‘expert’ and the intervener as irrational, fallible, vulnerable ‘human’. These subject positions determined the feeling rules that the interveners followed and the dilemmas they faced. This, in turn, affected how the interveners perceived the conflict-affected societies in which they were working, and how they understood and practised peacebuilding.
如果国际干预者感到他们认为未经批准、不受欢迎和不专业的情绪,会发生什么?如果他们以自己或其他人认为不可接受的方式来表现和管理自己的情绪呢?如果国际干预者因“过于情绪化”或没有感受到或表达“正确”的情绪而感到焦虑,这是否会挑战他们的认同感?这对和平建设和他们工作的受冲突影响的人群有什么影响?在越来越多的批判性和平与冲突学术研究的基础上,本文分析了个体干预者的情感和具体经历如何影响他们对建设和平的理解和实践。基于对10位国际干预者回忆录的话语分析,本文确定了干预者使用的两种主要解释手段,并认为它们产生了两种理想类型的主体位置:作为客观、理性、技术官僚的“专家”的干预者和作为非理性、易犯错误、脆弱的“人”的干预者。这些受试者的立场决定了干预者遵循的感受规则和他们面临的困境。这反过来又影响了干预者如何看待他们工作的受冲突影响的社会,以及他们如何理解和实践建设和平。
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引用次数: 0
Everyday peace in the Ninewa Plains, Iraq: Culture, rituals, and community interactions 伊拉克尼尼微平原的日常和平:文化、仪式和社区互动
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/00108367231177797
Amal Bourhrous, D. O’Driscoll
Although the need for local ownership of peacebuilding is routinely emphasized, the importance and the modalities of engaging with local cultures and traditions are not adequately understood, and the peacebuilding potential of local customs remains largely unharnessed. Drawing on extensive interviews with community leaders (n94) and farmers and villagers (n107), and using a conceptual framework that combines notions of the everyday and events that mark a rupture with the everyday, this article explores the opportunities that local people’s everyday interactions, culture, and traditions offer for peacebuilding in post-Islamic State Ninewa Plains, Iraq. In doing so, the article makes a theoretical contribution to the everyday peace literature by further developing existing typologies of everyday acts and attitudes of everyday peace. Demonstrating how everyday acts and attitudes of peace sit on a scale with negative peace on the one end and positive peace on the other, the article introduces the concept of ‘affinity’ on the positive peace side of the scale, to refer to an affective engagement with the other and to acts of getting to know, understand, and participate in what is important to the other community.
尽管人们经常强调地方对建设和平的自主权的必要性,但人们对参与当地文化和传统的重要性和方式没有得到充分理解,当地习俗的建设和平潜力在很大程度上仍然没有受到影响。本文通过对社区领袖(n94)、农民和村民(n107)的广泛采访,并使用一个概念框架,将日常生活和标志着与日常生活决裂的事件的概念相结合,探讨了当地人的日常互动、文化和传统为伊拉克后伊斯兰国尼微平原的建设和平提供的机会。在这样做的过程中,文章通过进一步发展现有的日常行为类型和日常和平态度,为日常和平文学做出了理论贡献。文章展示了日常的和平行为和态度是如何在一个天平上,一头是消极的和平,另一头是积极的和平,在天平的积极和平方面引入了“亲和力”的概念,指的是与他人的情感接触,以及了解、理解和参与对另一个社区重要的事情的行为。
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引用次数: 2
How do states reminisce? Building relations through bonding narratives 各州是如何回忆的?通过结合叙事建立关系
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-05 DOI: 10.1177/00108367231177795
Tracy Adams, G. Heimann, Zohar Kampf
Reminiscing during foreign state visits serves as a discursive means for building interstate relationships. When political leaders strategically narrate their states’ historical legacies, they construct a collective memory that serves as a resource for creating and sustaining amicable relations between states. Studying evocations of past events in 455 speeches delivered during foreign state visits between 2010 and 2020, we demonstrate the prevalence and significance of the practice of reminiscing in interstate politics. We suggest bonding narratives as a device through which a connection is generated between two collectives to create and sustain positive relations. Despite the unique nature of bonding narratives, the constructed collective memory mostly relies on shared memories of wars, once again underlining the link between nations and violence.
在外国国事访问期间的回忆是建立国家间关系的话语手段。当政治领导人战略性地叙述其国家的历史遗产时,他们构建了一种集体记忆,作为创造和维持国家间友好关系的资源。通过研究2010年至2020年期间外国国事访问期间发表的455篇演讲中对过去事件的回忆,我们发现了回忆在国家间政治中的普遍性和重要性。我们建议结合叙事作为一种手段,通过它在两个集体之间产生联系,以创造和维持积极的关系。尽管结合叙事具有独特的性质,但构建的集体记忆主要依赖于对战争的共同记忆,这再次强调了国家与暴力之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
Rebuilding Mosul: Public opinion on foreign-led heritage reconstruction 重建摩苏尔:外国主导的遗产重建的民意
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-05 DOI: 10.1177/00108367231177796
B. Isakhan, L. Meskell
Following the devastation of the northern Iraqi city of Mosul by the Islamic State, various foreign actors launched initiatives to reconstruct the heritage sites of the city. However, such efforts are underpinned by assumptions about how local people value their heritage, how they perceive its destruction, whether they view reconstruction as a priority and the extent to which they support foreign-led efforts to rebuild their heritage. This article holds these assumptions up to empirical scrutiny via an original survey of 1600 Mosul residents and their attitudes towards heritage. The results hold four key implications for current and future heritage projects in Mosul, namely that while residents want to see heritage sites reconstructed, they prefer that heritage reconstruction not be privileged over humanitarian aid, development and peace building; includes the rebuilding of their local religious sites as much as iconic and/or non-religious sites and transforms sites into new and more useful structures to the community, and while they acknowledge the work of foreign actors, they want agency and control over the future of their heritage. The article concludes by noting that such findings hold important implications for future foreign-led heritage projects in (post-)conflict environments where mass human suffering and heritage destruction has taken place.
在伊斯兰国摧毁伊拉克北部城市摩苏尔之后,各种外国行为者发起了重建该市遗产地的倡议。然而,这些努力的基础是假设当地人如何重视他们的遗产,他们如何看待遗产的破坏,他们是否将重建视为优先事项,以及他们在多大程度上支持外国领导的重建遗产的努力。本文通过对1600名摩苏尔居民及其对遗产的态度的原始调查,对这些假设进行了实证研究。研究结果对摩苏尔当前和未来的遗产项目有四个关键影响,即尽管居民希望看到遗产地得到重建,但他们更希望遗产重建不优先于人道主义援助、发展和和平建设;包括重建当地宗教遗址以及标志性和/或非宗教遗址,并将遗址改造成对社区更有用的新结构,尽管他们承认外国行为者的工作,但他们希望对其遗产的未来进行代理和控制。文章最后指出,这些发现对未来在发生大规模人类苦难和遗产破坏的冲突后环境中由外国领导的遗产项目具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Spatialities of peace zones 和平区的空间性
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00108367221099087
N. V. Macaspac
Peace zones are popularly understood as demilitarized geographic areas. While many peace zones have been documented around the world, scholarly research on the topic is surprisingly sparse. Furthermore, the existing literature focuses toward analyzing the complex social and temporal dynamics of peace zones. There is less work that examines the spatial processes that are mobilized in making the peace zones work. Building upon the analytical innovations of the geographic and spatial approaches to peace that highlight the spatialities of scale, space, and place, this article foregrounds the multiple spatialities of peace zones. Through a case study of the peace zone in the indigenous community of Sagada in the Philippines, this article argues that the peace zone is maintained through territoriality, interdependence, and the refusal of violence that weave together the politics of scale, space, and place.
和平区通常被理解为非军事化的地理区域。虽然世界上有许多和平区的记录,但关于这一主题的学术研究却少得惊人。此外,现有文献侧重于分析和平区复杂的社会和时间动态。审查为使和平区发挥作用而动员的空间进程的工作较少。在强调规模、空间和地点的空间性的地理和空间方法的分析创新的基础上,本文展望了和平区的多重空间性。通过对菲律宾萨加达原住民社区和平区的案例研究,本文认为和平区是通过领土、相互依存和拒绝暴力来维持的,这些因素将规模、空间和地点政治交织在一起。
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引用次数: 3
Better not talk? A mixed-methods experimental analysis of avoiding sensitive issues in post-conflict settings 最好不要说话?冲突后环境中避免敏感问题的混合方法实验分析
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00108367221094915
J. Ugarriza, D. C. Acuña, Monica Salazar
Ex-combatants, war victims, and violence-affected community members are typically forced to live together as neighbors in post-conflict settings. Cases all over the world accumulate evidence on the fact that living together after war is a far from a harmonic endeavor, and individuals usually rely on contention mechanisms to keep on with their daily lives while in proximity of former and present-day antagonists. While decades-long academic research has unveiled a series of favorable conditions under which interactions might generate positive effects on intergroup dispositions, they usually prescribe focusing less on touching upon divisive issues, and more on emphasizing in potentially bonding commonalities. By means of a randomized controlled experiment with former war antagonists in Colombia, we set to explore whether avoidance or addressing of the most sensitive issues affecting intergroup relations yield better results in terms of attitude change under favorable conditions. Experimental effects show that perspective-giving protocols are capable of containing polarization tendencies in intergroup discussions even when participants are incentivized to directly address their co-existence problems, while qualitative analysis points out at silences and other avoidance mechanisms as the participants’ key strategies to contain conflict when contentious topics flare up during discussions.
前战斗人员、战争受害者和受暴力影响的社区成员通常被迫在冲突后环境中作为邻居生活在一起。世界各地的案例都积累了这样一个事实的证据,即战后共同生活远非和谐的努力,个人通常依靠竞争机制来维持日常生活,同时与以前和现在的对手保持距离。尽管长达数十年的学术研究揭示了一系列有利条件,在这些条件下,互动可能会对群体间倾向产生积极影响,但它们通常规定较少关注分裂性问题,而更多地强调潜在的联系共性。通过对哥伦比亚前战争对手的随机对照实验,我们开始探索在有利条件下,避免或解决影响群体间关系的最敏感问题是否会在态度变化方面产生更好的结果。实验效果表明,即使参与者被激励直接解决他们的共存问题,给予视角的协议也能够在组间讨论中包含两极分化趋势,定性分析指出,当讨论中出现争议话题时,沉默和其他回避机制是参与者遏制冲突的关键策略。
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引用次数: 2
Bourdieu the ethnographer: Grounding the habitus of the ‘far-right’ voter 民族学家布迪厄:为“极右翼”选民的习惯打下基础
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.1177/00108367231154165
Emma Mc Cluskey
This article pushes the work of Bourdieu to more ethnographic directions within international social sciences, particularly studies of everyday (in)security. Thematically, it looks at how transformations in global politics towards increased xenophobia and the normalisation of ‘far-right’ politics can be examined through mobilising ‘Bourdieu the ethnographer’ (Blommaert, 2005). Using the example of Sweden, and an ethnography of everyday life around a refugee resettlement facility in 2013 and 2014, the article argues that Bourdieu the ethnographer provides important conceptual tools for understanding the way in which logics of (in)security shifted ever further into everyday life. This thus offers an interesting way to think about the normalisation of far-right and xenophobic politics more broadly. Through conducting this specific type of Bourdieu-inspired ethnography, the article empirically grounds the ‘habitus’ of the so-called ‘far-right’ voter. Taking seriously the temporal dimension of habitus, Bourdieu the ethnographer orients analysis towards transformation, evolution and flux, allowing ‘far-right’ to be conceived relationally. In the Swedish case, we are thus able to trace the shift from a ‘welcoming’ to an ‘exclusionary’ type of politics.
这篇文章将布迪厄的工作推向了国际社会科学中更多的民族志方向,特别是日常安全研究。从主题上讲,它着眼于如何通过动员“民族学家布迪厄”来检查全球政治向仇外心理增加和“极右翼”政治正常化的转变(Blommaert, 2005)。以瑞典为例,以及2013年和2014年围绕难民安置设施的日常生活的民族志,本文认为民族志学者布迪厄为理解安全逻辑如何进一步转移到日常生活中提供了重要的概念工具。因此,这为更广泛地思考极右翼和仇外政治的正常化提供了一种有趣的方式。通过进行这种布迪厄启发的特定类型的民族志,文章经验地为所谓的“极右翼”选民的“习惯”奠定了基础。民族志学者布迪厄认真地考虑了习性的时间维度,将分析导向转变、进化和流动,允许“极右翼”被关联地构想出来。在瑞典的案例中,我们因此能够追溯从“欢迎”到“排斥”类型的政治转变。
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引用次数: 0
Small states shelter diplomacy: Balancing costs of entrapment and abandonment in the alliance dilemma 小国庇护外交:在联盟困境中平衡诱捕和放弃的成本
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-07 DOI: 10.1177/00108367231164497
Rasmus Pedersen
Shelter theory has emerged as a promising but unrealized alternative to existing theories of bandwagon and hiding in the literature. It describes how small states can utilize the structural power of great powers to achieve political aims through the formation of asymmetric alliances. At present it is not clear exactly what shelter diplomacy aims to achieve, what type of costs it protects small states against and to what degree asymmetric shelters are useful when the preferences between the small state and the shelter partner widen. The article addresses these gaps. It develops a realist inspired model of shelter diplomacy that specifies when, how and with what effects small states can utilize the structural powers of great powers. It demonstrates how shelter diplomacy can help small states balance the costs of abandonment and entrapment in the alliance dilemma through construction of both asymmetric and symmetric shelters. The main contributions are to bring shelter diplomacy into the International Relations mainstream literature and develop a new theoretical middle position between the more well-described bandwagon and hiding strategies. The model is applied to a Danish case that demonstrates how small states have utilized and adopted dynamic shelter strategies in the European integration process.
庇护所理论已经成为一种有希望但未实现的替代品,取代了现有的时髦和隐藏在文学中的理论。它描述了小国如何利用大国的结构性力量,通过形成不对称联盟来实现政治目标。目前,尚不清楚庇护所外交的具体目标是什么,它保护小国免受什么样的成本,以及当小国和庇护所伙伴之间的偏好扩大时,不对称庇护所在多大程度上有用。这篇文章解决了这些差距。它发展了一种受现实主义启发的庇护外交模式,规定了小国何时、如何以及以何种效果利用大国的结构性权力。它展示了庇护外交如何通过建设不对称和对称的庇护来帮助小国平衡放弃和陷入联盟困境的成本。其主要贡献是将庇护外交纳入国际关系主流文学,并在描述得更好的潮流和庇护策略之间建立了一个新的理论中间位置。该模型应用于丹麦的一个案例,该案例展示了小国如何在欧洲一体化进程中利用和采用动态住房战略。
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引用次数: 0
What makes strategic narrative efficient: Ukraine on Russian e-news platforms 是什么让战略叙事变得有效:俄罗斯电子新闻平台上的乌克兰
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.1177/00108367231161272
N. Chaban, S. Zhabotynska, Michèle Knodt
Contributing to the ‘narrative turn’ in International Relations and offering an answer to the question ‘What makes a strategic narrative efficient?’, this article adds to the methodological theorization of the formation and projection phases of the narrative’s lifecycle. We suggest that the impact of the constructed image in the narrative can be reinforced by the interplay of at least three projection properties: (1) content accentuation and priming, through iterations; (2) content contextualization, through historical and cultural resonance with the consumers’ memories; and (3) content verbalization, through narrative tactics that evoke a range of the consumers’ involved attitudes to the framed image. These properties, being intrinsic ingredients of the projected content, tend to enhance emotions. In our work, they get traction in the antagonistic narrative tailored by the Russian propaganda to depict Ukraine orientated towards the European Union (EU). The empirical case study analyses articles published on the Russian e-news platforms portraying the EU granting Ukrainians visa-free travel to the Schengen area in 2017, a milestone in Ukraine–EU relations. We define Russia’s narrative, created in reaction to this event, as antagonistic and consider it to be a precursor of the aggressive narrative crafted/employed by Russia to justify its 2022 military assault on Ukraine’s sovereignty.
为国际关系中的“叙事转向”做出贡献,并为“什么使战略叙事有效?”,这篇文章增加了叙事生命周期的形成和投射阶段的方法论理论化。我们认为,建构图像在叙事中的影响可以通过至少三种投射属性的相互作用来加强:(1)通过迭代强化内容和启动;(2)内容语境化,通过与消费者记忆的历史文化共鸣;(3)内容语言化,通过叙事策略唤起消费者对框架图像的一系列参与态度。这些属性,作为投射内容的内在成分,倾向于增强情感。在我们的工作中,他们在俄罗斯宣传部门量身定制的对抗叙事中获得了牵引力,这些叙事将乌克兰描绘成面向欧盟(EU)的国家。实证案例研究分析了发表在俄罗斯电子新闻平台上的文章,这些文章描述了欧盟在2017年给予乌克兰人免签证前往申根地区,这是乌克兰与欧盟关系的一个里程碑。我们将俄罗斯为应对这一事件而创造的叙事定义为敌对的,并认为这是俄罗斯为证明其2022年对乌克兰主权的军事攻击而精心制作/使用的侵略性叙事的先驱。
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引用次数: 3
Post-colonial gaslighting and Greenlandic independence: When ontological insecurity sustains hierarchy 后殖民时代的煤气灯和格陵兰岛的独立:当本体论上的不安全感维持着等级制度
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.1177/00108367231163816
Emil Sondaj Hansen
This article proposes the concept of ‘post-colonial gaslighting’ to analyse subtle forms of colonialism and domination in international relations and the persistence of hierarchies in the international system. It asks why Greenland, despite electoral majorities for independence, remains a part of the Kingdom of Denmark. Going beyond existing materialist explanations focusing on lack of economic development, the article deploys the framework of ontological insecurity to show how Danish elites through techniques of gaslighting challenge the post-colonial status of Greenland and prevent agency. The Greenlandic colonial experience is rejected and delegitimised, in turn providing the foundation for blaming Greenlanders for failing to live up to the criteria of statehood. The article thus breaks with widespread assumptions of voluntarism in the literature on non-sovereignty, as well as introducing mechanisms of contestation to the literature on ontological security. The theoretical contribution of the article is the conceptual marriage of the hierarchy and ontological security literatures through the concept of post-colonial gaslighting.
本文提出了“后殖民时代的煤气灯”的概念,以分析国际关系中殖民主义和统治的微妙形式,以及国际体系中等级制度的持久性。它询问为什么格陵兰尽管在选举中获得多数支持独立,但仍然是丹麦王国的一部分。文章超越了现有的专注于经济发展不足的唯物主义解释,运用本体论不安全的框架,展示了丹麦精英如何通过煤气灯技术挑战格陵兰的后殖民地位并阻止代理。格陵兰的殖民经历被拒绝和剥夺了合法性,这反过来又为指责格陵兰人未能达到国家标准提供了基础。因此,本文打破了非主权文献中普遍存在的自愿性假设,并在本体论安全文献中引入了争论机制。本文的理论贡献是通过后殖民时代煤气灯的概念,将等级制度和本体论安全文献概念结合起来。
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引用次数: 0
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Cooperation and Conflict
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