Pub Date : 2023-09-12DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2023.2254784
Alice Beban
{"title":"Entrepreneurial Women in a Saturated Marketplace: How Gendered Power Shapes Experiences of Debt in Rural Cambodia","authors":"Alice Beban","doi":"10.1080/00472336.2023.2254784","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2023.2254784","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47420,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Asia","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135878929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2023.2248602
Sunhyuk Kim, Chonghee Han
AbstractAbstractSouth Korea’s transition to democracy in 1987 was driven by social movements. The grand democracy coalition included the opposition party and various civic associations, including student groups, labour unions, and religious organisations. Civil society continued to pressure the post-transitional governments to dismantle authoritarian structures and remove undemocratic practices. Political authoritarianism in South Korea in 1961–1987 was inseparable from the developmental state that delivered the country’s impressive economic development. Government reform after the democratisation entailed the weakening, if not dismantling, of the developmental state, to make public governance and policymaking more transparent, responsive, and participatory. In this paper we examine government reform in South Korea, focusing on the first ten years following democratisation. The Roh Tae Woo government created the Administrative Reform Committee in 1988, and the Kim Young Sam government launched the Presidential Commission for Administrative Reform in 1993. Although both agencies engaged civilians in the reform process, it was the Ministry of Government Administration and the Ministry of Finance and Economy that dominated the designing and implementing of the reforms, which demonstrates that the introduction and implementation of collaborative governance in South Korea was state led. Comparative implications are drawn from the South Korean case.Key Words: collaborative governancedemocratisationdevelopmental stateGovernment reformSouth Korea Conflicts of InterestThe authors have no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to the content of this article.Additional informationFundingThe authors did not receive support from any organisation for this article.
{"title":"The Origins of Collaborative Governance in South Korea: An Analysis of the First Ten Years After Democratisation","authors":"Sunhyuk Kim, Chonghee Han","doi":"10.1080/00472336.2023.2248602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2023.2248602","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractAbstractSouth Korea’s transition to democracy in 1987 was driven by social movements. The grand democracy coalition included the opposition party and various civic associations, including student groups, labour unions, and religious organisations. Civil society continued to pressure the post-transitional governments to dismantle authoritarian structures and remove undemocratic practices. Political authoritarianism in South Korea in 1961–1987 was inseparable from the developmental state that delivered the country’s impressive economic development. Government reform after the democratisation entailed the weakening, if not dismantling, of the developmental state, to make public governance and policymaking more transparent, responsive, and participatory. In this paper we examine government reform in South Korea, focusing on the first ten years following democratisation. The Roh Tae Woo government created the Administrative Reform Committee in 1988, and the Kim Young Sam government launched the Presidential Commission for Administrative Reform in 1993. Although both agencies engaged civilians in the reform process, it was the Ministry of Government Administration and the Ministry of Finance and Economy that dominated the designing and implementing of the reforms, which demonstrates that the introduction and implementation of collaborative governance in South Korea was state led. Comparative implications are drawn from the South Korean case.Key Words: collaborative governancedemocratisationdevelopmental stateGovernment reformSouth Korea Conflicts of InterestThe authors have no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to the content of this article.Additional informationFundingThe authors did not receive support from any organisation for this article.","PeriodicalId":47420,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Asia","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135980959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2023.2252429
Khorapin Phuaphansawat
Zombies have always represented sharp criticisms of state and capital. From their roots in slavery in the Caribbean colonies to George Romero’s zombie films, which can be read as criticisms of racism and consumerism, this article proposes that zombies have embodied both the “mindless” labourer deprived of soul and forced to work eternally as well as the fetishised consumer in a capitalist world. By the end of the first decade of the current century, zombies began to appear in films which were neither Hollywood-style nor, indeed, American at all. This article argues that these non-American zombie films portray the zombie apocalypse as a crisis of contemporary global capitalism. It will closely examine four international zombie films, Backpacker (Thailand, 2009), Seoul Station (South Korea, 2016), Cargo (Australia, 2017), and Little Monsters (Australia, 2019). The zombies in these international films reveal several aspects of capitalism such as illegal migration, the precariat or disposable workers, and the ecological crisis. Moreover, these films also reflect the way out of the zombie/capitalist dystopia which touches upon not only revolutionary but also indigenous and generational politics.
{"title":"Zombie Apocalypse and the Crisis of Global Capitalism: Class, Precarious Work, and Environment","authors":"Khorapin Phuaphansawat","doi":"10.1080/00472336.2023.2252429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2023.2252429","url":null,"abstract":"Zombies have always represented sharp criticisms of state and capital. From their roots in slavery in the Caribbean colonies to George Romero’s zombie films, which can be read as criticisms of racism and consumerism, this article proposes that zombies have embodied both the “mindless” labourer deprived of soul and forced to work eternally as well as the fetishised consumer in a capitalist world. By the end of the first decade of the current century, zombies began to appear in films which were neither Hollywood-style nor, indeed, American at all. This article argues that these non-American zombie films portray the zombie apocalypse as a crisis of contemporary global capitalism. It will closely examine four international zombie films, Backpacker (Thailand, 2009), Seoul Station (South Korea, 2016), Cargo (Australia, 2017), and Little Monsters (Australia, 2019). The zombies in these international films reveal several aspects of capitalism such as illegal migration, the precariat or disposable workers, and the ecological crisis. Moreover, these films also reflect the way out of the zombie/capitalist dystopia which touches upon not only revolutionary but also indigenous and generational politics.","PeriodicalId":47420,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Asia","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135980970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2023.2246207
Anh-Susann Pham Thi
AbstractAbstractScholars of Vietnam have studied different forms of labour resistance such as wildcat strikes, petitions, complaints, work stoppages, and boycotts, with which workers demand higher wages and pensions, overall better working conditions, and the implementation of workers’ rights. This article pays attention to the small, yet not negligible group of dissident labour activists, who are subjected to much harsher state repression compared to labour resistance in and around the workplace. This article asks: What makes dissident labour activism a (real or perceived) threat to the state? A common and widely accepted explanation refers to the nature of the demands of dissidents, which includes independent trade unions, democratisation, and regime change. This article digs deeper and finds that dissident labour activists function as agents of an emerging epistemological third space, which permits the revitalisation of hidden knowledges about labour rights, the reclamation of the silenced idea of independent trade unions and the co-existence of critique of the status quo and imagination of an alternative future, which together threaten to endanger the Communist Party of Vietnam’s political legitimacy and, by implication, capital utilisation.Key Words: Dissidentsepistemological third spaceindependent labour activismprotestsocial movementsVietnam AcknowledgementsI thank Edmund Malesky, Angie Ngoc Tran, Jörg Wischermann, and Adam Fforde for reading and providing useful comments on earlier versions of this article. I also thank the Southeast Asia Research Group (SEAREG) for inviting me to present my ideas on dissident labour activism at the SEAREG conference in December 2021 at Emory University.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 In June 2020, a new independent group, the Vietnamese Independent Union (VIU, Nghiep doan doc lap Viet Nam) formed largely in response to the ratification of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA) agreements. According to statements on its website, the group advocates for the establishment of “free unions in different industries.” The VIU declares that it is willing to “travel with the [official] Vietnamese General Confederation of Labour (VGCL) as a supplementing force to protect the employees, guarantee their full interests as the fellows in other member states of CPTPP and EVFTA” (VNunion.org 2021 VNunion.org. 2021. “Nghiep Doan Doc Lap Viet Nam” [Vietnam Independent Trade Union]. VNU Official Website. Accessed January 20, 2022. https://vnunion.org/thong-cao/thong-cao-ve-viec-thanh-lap-nghiep-doan-doc-lap-viet-nam-/144-799-1854.nddl. [Google Scholar]). According to Buckley (2020a Buckley, J. 2020a. “Vietnam Prepares to Begin a New Chapter in Labour Organizing.” China Labour Bulletin. Accessed November 1, 2021. https://clb.org.hk/content/vietnam-prepares-begin-new-chapter-labour
越南的学者研究了不同形式的劳工抵抗，如自发罢工、请愿、投诉、停工和抵制，工人要求更高的工资和养老金，总体上更好的工作条件，以及工人权利的实施。这篇文章关注的是一小群持不同政见的劳工活动人士，他们受到的国家镇压要比在工作场所内外的劳工抵抗者严厉得多。本文提出的问题是:是什么让持不同政见的劳工行动主义对国家构成(真实的或感知的)威胁?一个普遍且被广泛接受的解释是指持不同政见者要求的性质，包括独立的工会、民主化和政权更迭。本文深入挖掘并发现持不同意见的劳工活动家作为新兴认识论第三空间的代理人，它允许关于劳工权利的隐藏知识的复兴，独立工会的沉默思想的复兴以及对现状的批评和对替代未来的想象的共存，这些共同威胁着越南共产党的政治合法性，并暗示着资本利用。关键字:持不同意见者;认识论第三空间;独立劳工活动;抗议社会运动;越南感谢埃德蒙·马拉斯基，Angie Ngoc Tran, Jörg Wischermann和亚当·福特阅读本文早期版本并提供有用的评论。我还要感谢东南亚研究小组(SEAREG)邀请我在2021年12月在埃默里大学举行的SEAREG会议上介绍我对持不同政见的劳工行动主义的看法。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 2020年6月，一个新的独立组织——越南独立联盟(VIU, Nghiep doan doc lap vietnam)成立，主要是为了响应批准《全面与进步跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》(CPTPP)和《欧盟-越南自由贸易协定》(EVFTA)。根据其网站上的声明，该组织主张建立“不同行业的自由工会”。VIU宣布，它愿意“与(官方)越南劳动总联合会(VGCL)一起旅行，作为保护员工的补充力量，保障他们与CPTPP和EVFTA其他成员国的伙伴一样的全部利益”(VNunion.org 2021 VNunion.org)。2021. “越南独立工会”[越南独立工会]。VNU官方网站。于2022年1月20日生效。https://vnunion.org/thong - cao/thong - cao - ve - viec thanh圈- nghiep doan - doc -圈-越南-南- /144 - 799 - 1854. - nddl。谷歌学者)。根据巴克利(2020a)。“越南准备开启劳工组织的新篇章。”中国劳工通讯。于2021年11月1日生效。https://clb.org.hk/content/vietnam-prepares-begin-new-chapter-labour-organizing。[Google Scholar])，该大学对与VGCL建立“建设性关系”持开放态度。对执行委员会的描述没有提供有关成员的进一步细节或信息，但提到该组织的运营顾问阮阮平夫人曾是越南人民军中校，是前越南驻华大使阮仲荣少将的女儿。2021. “越南独立工会”[越南独立工会]。VNU官方网站。于2022年1月20日生效。https://vnunion.org/thong - cao/thong - cao - ve - viec thanh圈- nghiep doan - doc -圈-越南-南- /144 - 799 - 1854. - nddl。谷歌学者)。然而，这个群体在很大程度上仍然是未知的，其潜在影响和真正的动机仍有待观察野猫罢工是指那些不是由工会组织的罢工。Anner, M. 2015。全球供应链中的工人抵抗:自发罢工、国际协议和跨国运动。国际劳动研究杂志7(1-2):17-34。[Google Scholar]， 27)强调，尽管自发罢工是成功的短期行动，可以“快速解决问题”，但它们必然是重复的，因为工人们被要求“努力一次又一次地罢工，以满足基本需求”。“3《第98号公约》涉及组织和集体谈判的权利，《第105号公约》批准废除强迫劳动，《第87号公约》同意工人有权建立独立的组织政府坚持认为，“公民社会”或“公民社会组织”等术语不应出现在协议草案中。2019年11月，18个国际民间社会组织致信欧盟议会，呼吁推迟签署自贸协定，直到越南释放所有政治犯并允许新闻自由。(德国之声，2020年1月17日Clarke, Lee和Chi (2007 Clarke, S.， C.) 李，和D. Chi. 2007。从权利到利益:越南劳资关系的挑战。劳动关系学报，49(4):545-568。[Crossref]， [Web of Science®]，[Google Scholar]， 566]指出，对劳工法缺乏了解，也是工作场所工会官员和管理人员存在的一个问题。
{"title":"Dissident Labour Activism in Vietnam","authors":"Anh-Susann Pham Thi","doi":"10.1080/00472336.2023.2246207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2023.2246207","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractAbstractScholars of Vietnam have studied different forms of labour resistance such as wildcat strikes, petitions, complaints, work stoppages, and boycotts, with which workers demand higher wages and pensions, overall better working conditions, and the implementation of workers’ rights. This article pays attention to the small, yet not negligible group of dissident labour activists, who are subjected to much harsher state repression compared to labour resistance in and around the workplace. This article asks: What makes dissident labour activism a (real or perceived) threat to the state? A common and widely accepted explanation refers to the nature of the demands of dissidents, which includes independent trade unions, democratisation, and regime change. This article digs deeper and finds that dissident labour activists function as agents of an emerging epistemological third space, which permits the revitalisation of hidden knowledges about labour rights, the reclamation of the silenced idea of independent trade unions and the co-existence of critique of the status quo and imagination of an alternative future, which together threaten to endanger the Communist Party of Vietnam’s political legitimacy and, by implication, capital utilisation.Key Words: Dissidentsepistemological third spaceindependent labour activismprotestsocial movementsVietnam AcknowledgementsI thank Edmund Malesky, Angie Ngoc Tran, Jörg Wischermann, and Adam Fforde for reading and providing useful comments on earlier versions of this article. I also thank the Southeast Asia Research Group (SEAREG) for inviting me to present my ideas on dissident labour activism at the SEAREG conference in December 2021 at Emory University.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 In June 2020, a new independent group, the Vietnamese Independent Union (VIU, Nghiep doan doc lap Viet Nam) formed largely in response to the ratification of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the EU–Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA) agreements. According to statements on its website, the group advocates for the establishment of “free unions in different industries.” The VIU declares that it is willing to “travel with the [official] Vietnamese General Confederation of Labour (VGCL) as a supplementing force to protect the employees, guarantee their full interests as the fellows in other member states of CPTPP and EVFTA” (VNunion.org 2021 VNunion.org. 2021. “Nghiep Doan Doc Lap Viet Nam” [Vietnam Independent Trade Union]. VNU Official Website. Accessed January 20, 2022. https://vnunion.org/thong-cao/thong-cao-ve-viec-thanh-lap-nghiep-doan-doc-lap-viet-nam-/144-799-1854.nddl. [Google Scholar]). According to Buckley (2020a Buckley, J. 2020a. “Vietnam Prepares to Begin a New Chapter in Labour Organizing.” China Labour Bulletin. Accessed November 1, 2021. https://clb.org.hk/content/vietnam-prepares-begin-new-chapter-labour","PeriodicalId":47420,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Asia","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135981597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2023.2252427
Luke Stephens
{"title":"Contentious Acts in Controlled Spaces: A Protest Event Analysis of Singaporean Demonstrations","authors":"Luke Stephens","doi":"10.1080/00472336.2023.2252427","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2023.2252427","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47420,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Asia","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135981866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2023.2245411
Leonora C. Angeles, Wajiha Mehdi
AbstractAbstractUsing Frankfurt School Critical Theory, we examine the political outcomes of how Asian populist authoritarian regimes seized the COVID-19 pandemic context for regime maintenance and power consolidation. The pandemic revealed interesting India-Philippines parallels highlighting three inter-connected political-economic development patterns contextualising analogous state responses to COVID-19. First, how neo-liberal economic policies pursued through old and new technologies of domination accompanied phenomenal economic growth rates without addressing structural socio-economic inequalities. Second, how parallel predisposing conditions of failed political promises, increased rent-seeking opportunities, and corruption under constricted neo-liberal democracies, gave rise to populist authoritarian leaders. Third, how combined neo-liberalism and populist authoritarianism conditioned conflictual and contested government responses to the pandemic, bolstering power consolidation and regime maintenance, on the one hand, and ensuing political contestations on the other. Populist authoritarianism persists during pandemics through three significant connected elements of ideological domination propagated through mass media, the hetero-patriarchal family, and educational system.Key Words: AuthoritarianismCOVID-19 pandemicFrankfurt Schoolnationalismneo-liberalismpopulism AcknowledgementsWe thank the journal’s anonymous reviewers for their suggestions and especially Kevin Hewison for his careful editing of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingWe are grateful to the Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada, Vanier Doctoral Fellowship, and International Development Research Center (IDRC) for research support.Notes1 The Freiburg School, as the Frankfurt School’s conservative counterpart, promoted the neo-liberal economics of Frederick Hayek and Milton Friedman. Neo-liberal free markets, small government, privatisation, and decentralisation gained currency after the 1970s in an attempt to reform capitalism amidst changing global conditions (see Harvey 2005 Harvey, D. 2005. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Crossref] , [Google Scholar]).2 Jim Collins popularised the “flywheel loops” concept, using Amazon’s customer-centred mindset. “Flywheel” refers to the heavy revolving wheel giving momentum and greater machine stability, enabling it to “fly” or turn by itself.3 After Duterte left office in June 2022, his daughter Sara was elected vice president.4 His supporters and the media frequently referred to Duterte as “Father” or “Tatay Digong.”5 Some of this funding was pandemic related. For example, the Asian Development Bank provided a 254 million pesos food grant for 55,000 Metro Manila families under quarantine, adding another 81 billion in aid and a 154 million peso grant for a Pampanga COVID-19 testing laborato
{"title":"Perfect Pretext: Populist Authoritarian Seizure of Pandemic Emergency Powers in India and the Philippines","authors":"Leonora C. Angeles, Wajiha Mehdi","doi":"10.1080/00472336.2023.2245411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2023.2245411","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractAbstractUsing Frankfurt School Critical Theory, we examine the political outcomes of how Asian populist authoritarian regimes seized the COVID-19 pandemic context for regime maintenance and power consolidation. The pandemic revealed interesting India-Philippines parallels highlighting three inter-connected political-economic development patterns contextualising analogous state responses to COVID-19. First, how neo-liberal economic policies pursued through old and new technologies of domination accompanied phenomenal economic growth rates without addressing structural socio-economic inequalities. Second, how parallel predisposing conditions of failed political promises, increased rent-seeking opportunities, and corruption under constricted neo-liberal democracies, gave rise to populist authoritarian leaders. Third, how combined neo-liberalism and populist authoritarianism conditioned conflictual and contested government responses to the pandemic, bolstering power consolidation and regime maintenance, on the one hand, and ensuing political contestations on the other. Populist authoritarianism persists during pandemics through three significant connected elements of ideological domination propagated through mass media, the hetero-patriarchal family, and educational system.Key Words: AuthoritarianismCOVID-19 pandemicFrankfurt Schoolnationalismneo-liberalismpopulism AcknowledgementsWe thank the journal’s anonymous reviewers for their suggestions and especially Kevin Hewison for his careful editing of this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingWe are grateful to the Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada, Vanier Doctoral Fellowship, and International Development Research Center (IDRC) for research support.Notes1 The Freiburg School, as the Frankfurt School’s conservative counterpart, promoted the neo-liberal economics of Frederick Hayek and Milton Friedman. Neo-liberal free markets, small government, privatisation, and decentralisation gained currency after the 1970s in an attempt to reform capitalism amidst changing global conditions (see Harvey 2005 Harvey, D. 2005. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.[Crossref] , [Google Scholar]).2 Jim Collins popularised the “flywheel loops” concept, using Amazon’s customer-centred mindset. “Flywheel” refers to the heavy revolving wheel giving momentum and greater machine stability, enabling it to “fly” or turn by itself.3 After Duterte left office in June 2022, his daughter Sara was elected vice president.4 His supporters and the media frequently referred to Duterte as “Father” or “Tatay Digong.”5 Some of this funding was pandemic related. For example, the Asian Development Bank provided a 254 million pesos food grant for 55,000 Metro Manila families under quarantine, adding another 81 billion in aid and a 154 million peso grant for a Pampanga COVID-19 testing laborato","PeriodicalId":47420,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Asia","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135981464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-24DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2023.2248484
R. Westra
{"title":"Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy.","authors":"R. Westra","doi":"10.1080/00472336.2023.2248484","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2023.2248484","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47420,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Asia","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42331778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-08eCollection Date: 2023-01-01DOI: 10.3897/zookeys.1174.106624
Jun-Hui Lin, María E García-Garza, Jian-Feng Mou, He-Shan Lin
Promastobranchus Gallardo, 1968 is a small genus in the polychaete family Capitellidae, and the available records are largely reported from the Indo-West Pacific region. Although Gallardo (1968) and Green (2002) noted that Promastobranchus species had intraspecific variation in the number of thoracic chaetigers when they described the two previously known species, this variation has not been corroborated using molecular evidence. In this study, a new Promastobranchus species, Promastobranchusvariabilissp. nov., is described based on 29 specimens collected from the Beibu Gulf, South China Sea. The new species is mainly characterized by having a tessellated epithelium in the anterior thorax, nine teeth in three rows above the main fang in the abdominal hooks, four pairs of genital pores located on the intersegmental grooves between chaetigers 9 and 13, and its unique methyl green staining pattern. Comparisons of multiple gene markers (16S, 18S, 28S, and H3) revealed no genetic divergence (K2P < 0.003) among these type specimens with 9-13 thoracic chaetigers. In other words, the new species exhibited morphological variability in the number of thoracic chaetigers during ontogeny, and this character was unsuitable to differentiate Promastobranchus species as the ranges overlap among Promastobranchus species. This is the third Promastobranchus species known in the world, and it is now recorded along the Fujian coast.
{"title":"Description of a new <i>Promastobranchus</i> species (Annelida, Capitellidae) from Chinese coasts, with molecular evidence for intraspecific variation in the number of thoracic chaetigers.","authors":"Jun-Hui Lin, María E García-Garza, Jian-Feng Mou, He-Shan Lin","doi":"10.3897/zookeys.1174.106624","DOIUrl":"10.3897/zookeys.1174.106624","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p><i>Promastobranchus</i> Gallardo, 1968 is a small genus in the polychaete family Capitellidae, and the available records are largely reported from the Indo-West Pacific region. Although Gallardo (1968) and Green (2002) noted that <i>Promastobranchus</i> species had intraspecific variation in the number of thoracic chaetigers when they described the two previously known species, this variation has not been corroborated using molecular evidence. In this study, a new <i>Promastobranchus</i> species, <i>Promastobranchusvariabilis</i><b>sp. nov.</b>, is described based on 29 specimens collected from the Beibu Gulf, South China Sea. The new species is mainly characterized by having a tessellated epithelium in the anterior thorax, nine teeth in three rows above the main fang in the abdominal hooks, four pairs of genital pores located on the intersegmental grooves between chaetigers 9 and 13, and its unique methyl green staining pattern. Comparisons of multiple gene markers (16S, 18S, 28S, and H3) revealed no genetic divergence (K2P < 0.003) among these type specimens with 9-13 thoracic chaetigers. In other words, the new species exhibited morphological variability in the number of thoracic chaetigers during ontogeny, and this character was unsuitable to differentiate <i>Promastobranchus</i> species as the ranges overlap among <i>Promastobranchus</i> species. This is the third <i>Promastobranchus</i> species known in the world, and it is now recorded along the Fujian coast.</p>","PeriodicalId":47420,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Asia","volume":"32 1","pages":"1-14"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10838560/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80872987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-07DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2023.2236414
D. Chan
{"title":"Political Resistance in the Marketplace: Consumer Activism in the Milk Tea Alliance","authors":"D. Chan","doi":"10.1080/00472336.2023.2236414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2023.2236414","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47420,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Asia","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46763788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-07DOI: 10.1080/00472336.2023.2236631
R. Westra
Abstract Heady days of the Soviet revolution mooted questions of the contours of socialism. However, following World War II, questions of socialism would reappear on the Left agenda as indications spread of the Soviet Union not living up to Marx’s sketches of what a socialist society should look like. Following the Soviet collapse, the global Left was forced to both rethink basic questions of socialism and consider whether other societies self-identifying as socialist could be upheld as really existing exemplars of Marx’s vision for the human future. China, under Mao, was initially embraced by the Left as the new representative of really existing socialism. But, following the 1978 reforms of its economy towards markets and opening to international capital it fell out of favour in Left circles. Yet, China’s unparalleled successes among Third World economies in economic growth and poverty alleviation had, by the early twenty-first century, placed it once again in the crosshairs of Left debate over socialism. While vigorous debate swirled around the question of socialism in the erstwhile Soviet Union there has been less sustained debate over the question of socialism in China. What follows in this article and the Feature Section of the journal is an attempt to remedy this deficit by bringing international Left scholarship to bear upon the important question of the kind of society and economy that is represented by China.
{"title":"The Question of Socialism in China: An Introduction","authors":"R. Westra","doi":"10.1080/00472336.2023.2236631","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2023.2236631","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Heady days of the Soviet revolution mooted questions of the contours of socialism. However, following World War II, questions of socialism would reappear on the Left agenda as indications spread of the Soviet Union not living up to Marx’s sketches of what a socialist society should look like. Following the Soviet collapse, the global Left was forced to both rethink basic questions of socialism and consider whether other societies self-identifying as socialist could be upheld as really existing exemplars of Marx’s vision for the human future. China, under Mao, was initially embraced by the Left as the new representative of really existing socialism. But, following the 1978 reforms of its economy towards markets and opening to international capital it fell out of favour in Left circles. Yet, China’s unparalleled successes among Third World economies in economic growth and poverty alleviation had, by the early twenty-first century, placed it once again in the crosshairs of Left debate over socialism. While vigorous debate swirled around the question of socialism in the erstwhile Soviet Union there has been less sustained debate over the question of socialism in China. What follows in this article and the Feature Section of the journal is an attempt to remedy this deficit by bringing international Left scholarship to bear upon the important question of the kind of society and economy that is represented by China.","PeriodicalId":47420,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Asia","volume":"53 1","pages":"749 - 766"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42153103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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