Alicja Bobek, Sara Clavero, Sylvia Gavigan, M. Ryan
Abstract:This article addresses the gendered impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on the policy domains of care, with a particular focus on childcare. By using historical institutionalism as a conceptual framework, and Ireland as a case study, the article examines the extent to which the pandemic constituted a “critical juncture” leading to change in childcare policy in the country. The study is based on data collected in Ireland as part of the RESISTIRÉ project (Responding to outbreaks through co-creative inclusive equality strategies and collaboration), which investigates the impact of COVID-19 on equality in thirty-one countries, specifically through a gender+ approach that focuses on analyzing the impact of policy responses to COVID-19 on existing inequalities. The analysis carried out in this article reveals that changes in childcare policy were more adaptive than transformative, and that the underlying gender logic of the Irish welfare state regime remained unchanged.
{"title":"COVID-19 Pandemic in Ireland and the Gendered Division of Care Work: The Impact of the Pandemic on Childcare Policy","authors":"Alicja Bobek, Sara Clavero, Sylvia Gavigan, M. Ryan","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article addresses the gendered impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on the policy domains of care, with a particular focus on childcare. By using historical institutionalism as a conceptual framework, and Ireland as a case study, the article examines the extent to which the pandemic constituted a “critical juncture” leading to change in childcare policy in the country. The study is based on data collected in Ireland as part of the RESISTIRÉ project (Responding to outbreaks through co-creative inclusive equality strategies and collaboration), which investigates the impact of COVID-19 on equality in thirty-one countries, specifically through a gender+ approach that focuses on analyzing the impact of policy responses to COVID-19 on existing inequalities. The analysis carried out in this article reveals that changes in childcare policy were more adaptive than transformative, and that the underlying gender logic of the Irish welfare state regime remained unchanged.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"51 1","pages":"949 - 971"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79054553","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:While radical right parties commonly advance conservative gender positions, research on radical right voters' gender attitudes remains inconclusive. To understand radical right voters' gender attitudes, I first analyze previous research for frames that antifeminist actors commonly use to advance their arguments. I then draw on interviews with eastern German radical right voters to analyze whether and how these voters apply antifeminist frames to argue about feminist policy. I demonstrate that they use antifeminist frames to oppose mostly third-wave and recently salient feminist issues, but also support certain feminist policies, sometimes for instrumental reasons. Further, voters include particularities of their context in their arguments. Eastern Germany constitutes an atypical context, allowing for insights into voters' (anti)feminism in a post-socialist context marked by atheism and relatively advanced gender norms. The study contributes to understanding complexities and nuances in radical right voters' gender attitudes, and thereby to understanding cultural grievances beyond anti-immigration attitudes.
{"title":"Complexities and Nuances in Radical Right Voters' (Anti)Feminism","authors":"Gefjon Off","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:While radical right parties commonly advance conservative gender positions, research on radical right voters' gender attitudes remains inconclusive. To understand radical right voters' gender attitudes, I first analyze previous research for frames that antifeminist actors commonly use to advance their arguments. I then draw on interviews with eastern German radical right voters to analyze whether and how these voters apply antifeminist frames to argue about feminist policy. I demonstrate that they use antifeminist frames to oppose mostly third-wave and recently salient feminist issues, but also support certain feminist policies, sometimes for instrumental reasons. Further, voters include particularities of their context in their arguments. Eastern Germany constitutes an atypical context, allowing for insights into voters' (anti)feminism in a post-socialist context marked by atheism and relatively advanced gender norms. The study contributes to understanding complexities and nuances in radical right voters' gender attitudes, and thereby to understanding cultural grievances beyond anti-immigration attitudes.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"30 1","pages":"607 - 629"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46620835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mar Rosàs Tosas, C. Riba, Pilar Godayol, Anna Pérez-Quintana, Carme Sanmartí, F. Torralba, Anna Pagès, Bàrbara Pagès, Patrícia Illa
Abstract:This article proposes a three-fold typology to classify the narratives of forty-eight researchers in Catalonia describing the impact the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic had on their professional and personal lives: a “chance narrative,” which presents the pandemic as an occasion for growth; a “resistance narrative,” according to which the pandemic presents a burden, but one is skilled enough to navigate it successfully; and a “defeat narrative,” for which the pandemic deeply shattered one’s well-being. This analysis reveals that each narrative type is produced by researchers with certain sociodemographic features—defeat narratives were mostly produced by female researchers, holding precarious contracts, and assuming most of the increase of childcare and domestic work. These findings are consistent with studies revealing that the implementation of the “new fatherhood model” is limited and might orient the design of policies aimed at reducing gender discrimination in academia, both in Catalonia and beyond.
{"title":"From Male “Chance Narratives” to Female “Defeat Narratives”: Researchers in Catalonia Narrating the Impact of the Covid-19 Pandemic on their Lives and Jobs","authors":"Mar Rosàs Tosas, C. Riba, Pilar Godayol, Anna Pérez-Quintana, Carme Sanmartí, F. Torralba, Anna Pagès, Bàrbara Pagès, Patrícia Illa","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article proposes a three-fold typology to classify the narratives of forty-eight researchers in Catalonia describing the impact the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic had on their professional and personal lives: a “chance narrative,” which presents the pandemic as an occasion for growth; a “resistance narrative,” according to which the pandemic presents a burden, but one is skilled enough to navigate it successfully; and a “defeat narrative,” for which the pandemic deeply shattered one’s well-being. This analysis reveals that each narrative type is produced by researchers with certain sociodemographic features—defeat narratives were mostly produced by female researchers, holding precarious contracts, and assuming most of the increase of childcare and domestic work. These findings are consistent with studies revealing that the implementation of the “new fatherhood model” is limited and might orient the design of policies aimed at reducing gender discrimination in academia, both in Catalonia and beyond.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"2 1","pages":"925 - 948"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78838339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article aims to explore how policy translation and institutional legacies have shaped South Korean parental leave policies between 1995 and 2021. It draws on a document analysis of central political documents and interviews with a number of key policy actors in South Korea. The findings show that reforms of parental leave policies were implemented according to four major rationales: maternity protection; combating low-fertility rates; (working mothers’) work–family life reconciliation; and, finally, men's involvement in childcare. Swedish parental leave policies, especially the introduction of the quota system (the “daddy month”), served as inspiration. The current design of Korean parental leave differs, however, from that of Sweden, and is analyzed as a result of localized reforms surrounding plummeting fertility rates and institutional legacies, mainly connected to the organization of the labor market.
{"title":"Parental Leave Reforms in South Korea, 1995–2021: Policy Translation and Institutional Legacies","authors":"Y. Kim, Åsa Lundqvist","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad008","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article aims to explore how policy translation and institutional legacies have shaped South Korean parental leave policies between 1995 and 2021. It draws on a document analysis of central political documents and interviews with a number of key policy actors in South Korea. The findings show that reforms of parental leave policies were implemented according to four major rationales: maternity protection; combating low-fertility rates; (working mothers’) work–family life reconciliation; and, finally, men's involvement in childcare. Swedish parental leave policies, especially the introduction of the quota system (the “daddy month”), served as inspiration. The current design of Korean parental leave differs, however, from that of Sweden, and is analyzed as a result of localized reforms surrounding plummeting fertility rates and institutional legacies, mainly connected to the organization of the labor market.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81043491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article examines contemporary Nicaraguan politics to understand how gender conservatism structures the populist project of Ortega–Murillos (OrMu), the presidential couple. Through feminist discourse analysis of state texts, I examine the cultural strategies the regime uses to represent itself. I put this narrative into conversation with feminist critiques to outline how antifeminism is a central political strategy of the OrMu regime. By doing so, this article aims to demonstrate how the Nicaraguan case can advance our typologies of contemporary authoritarianisms and the social relations these political projects constitute.
{"title":"Authoritarian Populism and Patriarchal Logics: Nicaragua's Engendered Politics","authors":"Cristina Awadalla","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines contemporary Nicaraguan politics to understand how gender conservatism structures the populist project of Ortega–Murillos (OrMu), the presidential couple. Through feminist discourse analysis of state texts, I examine the cultural strategies the regime uses to represent itself. I put this narrative into conversation with feminist critiques to outline how antifeminism is a central political strategy of the OrMu regime. By doing so, this article aims to demonstrate how the Nicaraguan case can advance our typologies of contemporary authoritarianisms and the social relations these political projects constitute.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"30 1","pages":"701 - 723"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44313561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Focusing on divorced Palestinian-Arab women in Israel, this study aims to provide a nuanced examination of the different types of violence (physical, mental, and economic) these women experience from their ex-partners or relatives. The study emphasizes the presence in extreme cases of ex-partner violence ending in murder, recontextualizing crimes associated with so-called honor or tradition. The findings are based on interviews with thirty-five divorced women. The study also relies on a secondary analysis of data extrapolated from media surveillance. The findings indicate that a supportive institutional network is necessary to serve as a protective shield for women from minority communities who remain vulnerable when legislation and policy is detached from their civic status and their cultural context.
{"title":"Violence against Women—The Case of Divorced Palestinian-Arab women in Israel","authors":"Tal Meler","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Focusing on divorced Palestinian-Arab women in Israel, this study aims to provide a nuanced examination of the different types of violence (physical, mental, and economic) these women experience from their ex-partners or relatives. The study emphasizes the presence in extreme cases of ex-partner violence ending in murder, recontextualizing crimes associated with so-called honor or tradition. The findings are based on interviews with thirty-five divorced women. The study also relies on a secondary analysis of data extrapolated from media surveillance. The findings indicate that a supportive institutional network is necessary to serve as a protective shield for women from minority communities who remain vulnerable when legislation and policy is detached from their civic status and their cultural context.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"30 1","pages":"724 - 748"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45945809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Special Section: Contemporary Forms of Illiberal and Anti-feminist Mobilizations of Gender","authors":"Iris Beau Segers, Hande Eslen-Ziya","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135130129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Pandemic border closures separated previously transnational couples, including unmarried partners, revealing under-researched forms of transnational family life. From this point of departure, we reexamine Norwegian family immigration regulation for unmarried partners from the 1980s onwards. Societal norms around coupledom have shifted toward Giddens’s “pure relationship.” Yet, immigration regulations have focused on “problematic marriages,” such as forced marriages or marriages of convenience. While unmarried partners have a right to family reunification after two years’ cohabitation, this requires prior permission to live in the same country. We investigate three sites of contestation where appeals are made to intimacy norms: The Liberal party’s “love visa” proposal, sponsors’ statements in case files, and protests from same-sex couples. Even in “cohabitation land,” these appeals ultimately come up against immigration control. This investigation contributes to the literatures on the transformation of intimacy and family migration; in particular, immigration regulation for unmarried same- and opposite-sex partners.
{"title":"Everything but the Marriage Certificate: Unmarried Partners in Norwegian Immigration Regulation","authors":"Anne Balke Staver, Helga Eggebø","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Pandemic border closures separated previously transnational couples, including unmarried partners, revealing under-researched forms of transnational family life. From this point of departure, we reexamine Norwegian family immigration regulation for unmarried partners from the 1980s onwards. Societal norms around coupledom have shifted toward Giddens’s “pure relationship.” Yet, immigration regulations have focused on “problematic marriages,” such as forced marriages or marriages of convenience. While unmarried partners have a right to family reunification after two years’ cohabitation, this requires prior permission to live in the same country. We investigate three sites of contestation where appeals are made to intimacy norms: The Liberal party’s “love visa” proposal, sponsors’ statements in case files, and protests from same-sex couples. Even in “cohabitation land,” these appeals ultimately come up against immigration control. This investigation contributes to the literatures on the transformation of intimacy and family migration; in particular, immigration regulation for unmarried same- and opposite-sex partners.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"229 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135582864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Both the United States and South Korea have implemented publicly funded long-term care programs intended to cope with the rapid aging of their populations. These programs provide market-based solutions that depend on cheap labor supplied by women from marginalized groups. Drawing upon comparative ethnographic data collected in Los Angeles’ Koreatown and Seoul, this study illuminates the mechanisms by which publicly funded long-term care programs systematically devalue care through a combination of state policy and racialized labor markets. These programs not only sort and channel marginalized women into the low-paid care sector through targeted forms of recruitment, but they also do so by promoting an idealized care worker subject. However, workers do not passively accept their subjectivation. Instead, they selectively choose to embody some aspects of the imposed idealized care worker subject to help navigate their precarious working conditions. In doing so, they give meaning to their work and thus empower themselves.
{"title":"National Care Experts and Public Daughters: Navigating Publicly Funded Eldercare Jobs in South Korea and the United States","authors":"Yang-Sook Kim","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Both the United States and South Korea have implemented publicly funded long-term care programs intended to cope with the rapid aging of their populations. These programs provide market-based solutions that depend on cheap labor supplied by women from marginalized groups. Drawing upon comparative ethnographic data collected in Los Angeles’ Koreatown and Seoul, this study illuminates the mechanisms by which publicly funded long-term care programs systematically devalue care through a combination of state policy and racialized labor markets. These programs not only sort and channel marginalized women into the low-paid care sector through targeted forms of recruitment, but they also do so by promoting an idealized care worker subject. However, workers do not passively accept their subjectivation. Instead, they selectively choose to embody some aspects of the imposed idealized care worker subject to help navigate their precarious working conditions. In doing so, they give meaning to their work and thus empower themselves.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"23 1","pages":"903 - 924"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76347907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Within the liberal democracies of the global north, fears associated with migrant maternity are a long-standing part of immigration politics. This article raises concerns about what narratives political and public debates on migrant maternity are mobilizing, who they are targeting, and how these narratives shape the experiences of a wide range of migrants in Canada as they access prenatal and obstetric care. The article uses policy and media analysis to examine how migrant maternity is problematized in Canada through the "passport baby" narrative alongside interview data, which illustrates how this narrative impacts the lives of mothers with a range of migrant trajectories. This article argues that this problematization relies on overgeneralizations that overlook the complexity of migration, continues to be shaped by racial discrimination and stereotypes, and results in increased vulnerability for pregnant migrants within Canada.
{"title":"The Problematization of Migrant Maternity: Implications of the \"Passport Baby\" Narrative in the Canadian Context","authors":"Lindsay Larios","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Within the liberal democracies of the global north, fears associated with migrant maternity are a long-standing part of immigration politics. This article raises concerns about what narratives political and public debates on migrant maternity are mobilizing, who they are targeting, and how these narratives shape the experiences of a wide range of migrants in Canada as they access prenatal and obstetric care. The article uses policy and media analysis to examine how migrant maternity is problematized in Canada through the \"passport baby\" narrative alongside interview data, which illustrates how this narrative impacts the lives of mothers with a range of migrant trajectories. This article argues that this problematization relies on overgeneralizations that overlook the complexity of migration, continues to be shaped by racial discrimination and stereotypes, and results in increased vulnerability for pregnant migrants within Canada.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"30 1","pages":"397 - 421"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46228296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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