Abstract:This article explores transnational anti-gender networking promoting "the natural family." We focus on the World Congress of Families (WCF) and investigate how it is organized transnationally. We draw on international relations theory on challenges to the liberal international order as well as on theories on transcalar activism. The empirical material includes observations from two conferences and material produced by the WCF itself. We discuss the WCF's role in relation to political polarization, and we also analyze it as a social structure: its actor constellations and new forms of activism. The analysis shows that strategic networking with elites as well as grassroots has rendered the WCF a significant player in global politics.
{"title":"Transcalar Activism Contesting the Liberal International Order: The Case of the World Congress of Families","authors":"Sara Kalm, A. Meeuwisse","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article explores transnational anti-gender networking promoting \"the natural family.\" We focus on the World Congress of Families (WCF) and investigate how it is organized transnationally. We draw on international relations theory on challenges to the liberal international order as well as on theories on transcalar activism. The empirical material includes observations from two conferences and material produced by the WCF itself. We discuss the WCF's role in relation to political polarization, and we also analyze it as a social structure: its actor constellations and new forms of activism. The analysis shows that strategic networking with elites as well as grassroots has rendered the WCF a significant player in global politics.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"30 1","pages":"556 - 579"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44864010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Despite modernization in women's public roles, reproductive rights attitudes and policies are becoming more restrictive in some societies. While existing literature depicts abortion opinion as a clash of feminist pro-choice vs. religious pro-life frames, feminist analysis suggests that nationalism may influence reproductive attitudes. Yet no cross-national research has empirically examined the relationship between ethnonationalist sentiments and abortion attitudes. We use the 2017 European Values Survey to analyze how ethnonationalist attitudes are associated with abortion approval in thirty European countries. We find that strong ethnonational identity and distrust of foreigners are positively correlated with individuals' disapproval of abortion. Counterintuitively, this association between abortion attitudes and ethnonationalism is stronger among less religious and more liberal individuals—and in more "modernized" European countries. Our findings contribute a new factor to the cross-national abortion opinion literature and an empirical demonstration of feminist theory with relevance for reproductive rights.
{"title":"Abortion Rights Attitudes in Europe: Pro-Choice, Pro-Life, or Pro-Nation?","authors":"Alison Brysk, Rujun Yang","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxac047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxac047","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Despite modernization in women's public roles, reproductive rights attitudes and policies are becoming more restrictive in some societies. While existing literature depicts abortion opinion as a clash of feminist pro-choice vs. religious pro-life frames, feminist analysis suggests that nationalism may influence reproductive attitudes. Yet no cross-national research has empirically examined the relationship between ethnonationalist sentiments and abortion attitudes. We use the 2017 European Values Survey to analyze how ethnonationalist attitudes are associated with abortion approval in thirty European countries. We find that strong ethnonational identity and distrust of foreigners are positively correlated with individuals' disapproval of abortion. Counterintuitively, this association between abortion attitudes and ethnonationalism is stronger among less religious and more liberal individuals—and in more \"modernized\" European countries. Our findings contribute a new factor to the cross-national abortion opinion literature and an empirical demonstration of feminist theory with relevance for reproductive rights.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"30 1","pages":"525 - 555"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48705845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:COVID-19 has impacted all human beings, but more severely people with baseline vulnerabilities, and especially women. The impact is even more pronounced in developing countries where gender gap bias is more acute. We use the national data set of the Labor Force Survey, from 2015 to summer 2020, to assess the heterogeneous impacts of the downturn on the employment of women in Iran. Findings show that women have disproportionately exited the labor market, which widens the gender gap in the participation rate. They also show a slower recovery for women compared to men. In contrast, when remaining in the labor market women’s working hours are less affected than men’s. Overall, our findings show a heterogeneous effect from the pandemic among women regarding their education level, age, and occupational choices.
{"title":"The Heterogeneous Effect of COVID-19 on the Gender Gap in Iran","authors":"Kowsar Yousefi, H. Pilvar, Salman Farajnia","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxab045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxab045","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:COVID-19 has impacted all human beings, but more severely people with baseline vulnerabilities, and especially women. The impact is even more pronounced in developing countries where gender gap bias is more acute. We use the national data set of the Labor Force Survey, from 2015 to summer 2020, to assess the heterogeneous impacts of the downturn on the employment of women in Iran. Findings show that women have disproportionately exited the labor market, which widens the gender gap in the participation rate. They also show a slower recovery for women compared to men. In contrast, when remaining in the labor market women’s working hours are less affected than men’s. Overall, our findings show a heterogeneous effect from the pandemic among women regarding their education level, age, and occupational choices.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"84 1","pages":"1192 - 1212"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90600784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Agnieszka Fal-Dutra Santos, Nikou Salamat, Sena Bölükoğvlu, B. Baron, Christine Choi, Heidi M. Gasperetti
Abstract:COVID-19 threatens to slow progress on the implementation of peace agreements, and reverse hard-won gains of women peacebuilders’ work towards holistic, gender-equal peace, rooted in human security. Through an analysis of indepth interviews from a purposive sample of women peacebuilders in Colombia, South Sudan, the Philippines, and Ukraine, this article contributes to a greater understanding of the pandemic’s impact on women’s peace activism, as these peacebuilders adapted to emerging realities and became first responders. We argue that the pandemic has deepened the marginalization of women peacebuilders from formal peace processes, possibly to detriment of both immediate recovery and long-term peacebuilding.
{"title":"Lockdown on Peace? COVID-19’s Impact on Women Peacebuilders","authors":"Agnieszka Fal-Dutra Santos, Nikou Salamat, Sena Bölükoğvlu, B. Baron, Christine Choi, Heidi M. Gasperetti","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxab050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxab050","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:COVID-19 threatens to slow progress on the implementation of peace agreements, and reverse hard-won gains of women peacebuilders’ work towards holistic, gender-equal peace, rooted in human security. Through an analysis of indepth interviews from a purposive sample of women peacebuilders in Colombia, South Sudan, the Philippines, and Ukraine, this article contributes to a greater understanding of the pandemic’s impact on women’s peace activism, as these peacebuilders adapted to emerging realities and became first responders. We argue that the pandemic has deepened the marginalization of women peacebuilders from formal peace processes, possibly to detriment of both immediate recovery and long-term peacebuilding.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"14 1","pages":"1261 - 1285"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86342988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The COVID-19 lockdown measures have challenged individuals to reconcile employment, childcare, and housework. This article addresses whether these challenges have reduced life satisfaction among German women by focusing on their labor market status and drawing upon a topical online survey (Kantar) collected in Germany at two points in time: May 2020 and November 2020. We find that part-time employed women were better protected against a decline in life satisfaction, but only during the first lockdown. Economically inactive women were most likely to experience a decline in life satisfaction during the first lockdown, but least likely during the second lockdown. Life satisfaction has further decreased between the first and the second lockdown, and the likelihood of a decrease has converged for full-time, part-time, and economically inactive women.
{"title":"Protected through Part-time Employment? Labor Market Status, Domestic Responsibilities, and the Life Satisfaction of German Women during the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Ariane Bertogg, N. Kulic, S. Strauss","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxab048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxab048","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The COVID-19 lockdown measures have challenged individuals to reconcile employment, childcare, and housework. This article addresses whether these challenges have reduced life satisfaction among German women by focusing on their labor market status and drawing upon a topical online survey (Kantar) collected in Germany at two points in time: May 2020 and November 2020. We find that part-time employed women were better protected against a decline in life satisfaction, but only during the first lockdown. Economically inactive women were most likely to experience a decline in life satisfaction during the first lockdown, but least likely during the second lockdown. Life satisfaction has further decreased between the first and the second lockdown, and the likelihood of a decrease has converged for full-time, part-time, and economically inactive women.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"57 1","pages":"1236 - 1260"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89153429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article presents an investigation into the racialized and gendered dynamics of the intensifying crisis in care for older people in the United Kingdom. Deploying a feminist political economy framework, we reveal how the care crisis is an intersectional crisis of social reproduction worsened by both austerity and COVID-19. We do this through an analysis of a small set of interviews with South Asian older women with care needs, conducted during the first period of UK national lockdown in 2020. This was a pilot study, focusing on the challenges faced in accessing formal and informal care during this period of the pandemic. The experiences, fears, and vulnerabilities that came through in the interviews are located within a broader analysis of the racialized care crisis—one that reveals the long-term harms that austerity, including “austerity Islamophobia,” generated for these older women and their families as they struggled to provide and access un/paid care.
{"title":"Being Cared for in the Context of Crisis: Austerity, COVID-19, and Racialized Politics","authors":"Shahnaz Akhter, Juanita Elias, S. Rai","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxac035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxac035","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article presents an investigation into the racialized and gendered dynamics of the intensifying crisis in care for older people in the United Kingdom. Deploying a feminist political economy framework, we reveal how the care crisis is an intersectional crisis of social reproduction worsened by both austerity and COVID-19. We do this through an analysis of a small set of interviews with South Asian older women with care needs, conducted during the first period of UK national lockdown in 2020. This was a pilot study, focusing on the challenges faced in accessing formal and informal care during this period of the pandemic. The experiences, fears, and vulnerabilities that came through in the interviews are located within a broader analysis of the racialized care crisis—one that reveals the long-term harms that austerity, including “austerity Islamophobia,” generated for these older women and their families as they struggled to provide and access un/paid care.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"29 1","pages":"1121 - 1143"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43536271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:New pronatalist regimes rely on market incentives to increase childbearing and encourage full employment. Few countries have instituted a more extreme version of new pronatalism than Hungary. The current study analyzes how professional women navigate uncertainty and risk under Hungary’s pronatalist regime. Our analysis of twenty-one in-depth interviews with middle-class professional women reveals inherent tensions and contradictions. Respondents perceived two competing imperatives: seek financial security in a highly unstable labor market and privately absorb care burdens associated with larger families. Respondents weighed the potential rewards of accessing various pronatalist benefits against the costs of reproduction in a policy context characterized by risk and uncertainty. Respondents were highly selective regarding which benefits they accessed and which they avoided. Our analysis contributes to research and theory on the substantive impact of formal welfare and work policies, including the ways actors interpret and engage policies in order to limit risk and uncertainty.
{"title":"Risk, Reward, and Resistance: Navigating Work and Family under Hungary’s New Pronatalism","authors":"Christy Glass, É. Fodor","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxac033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxac033","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:New pronatalist regimes rely on market incentives to increase childbearing and encourage full employment. Few countries have instituted a more extreme version of new pronatalism than Hungary. The current study analyzes how professional women navigate uncertainty and risk under Hungary’s pronatalist regime. Our analysis of twenty-one in-depth interviews with middle-class professional women reveals inherent tensions and contradictions. Respondents perceived two competing imperatives: seek financial security in a highly unstable labor market and privately absorb care burdens associated with larger families. Respondents weighed the potential rewards of accessing various pronatalist benefits against the costs of reproduction in a policy context characterized by risk and uncertainty. Respondents were highly selective regarding which benefits they accessed and which they avoided. Our analysis contributes to research and theory on the substantive impact of formal welfare and work policies, including the ways actors interpret and engage policies in order to limit risk and uncertainty.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"29 1","pages":"1425 - 1448"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45407210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article aims to reveal how Costa Rica and Uruguay succeeded in adopting integrated care policies. By adapting the classic “multiple streams approach,” I analyze the processes leading to the adoption of two care policies in Costa Rica and Uruguay. The findings suggest that the key to understanding the adoption of care policies lies within the interplay between agents and contexts in different streams. Problems can be constructed as a top-down process by a women’s agency or as a bottom-up process from a feminist organization. Solutions can be designed in close-knit policy networks of technocrats/bureaucrats or in open policy networks of bureaucrats and civil society organizations. Care policies become prominent items on government agendas in the presence of programmatic political parties and high electoral competition settings that prioritize the issue to attract voters or consolidate support. The alignment of problems, solutions, and politics identify different pathways that lead to the adoption of care policies.
{"title":"Explaining the Adoption of Care Policies in Costa Rica and Uruguay: A Multiple Streams Approach","authors":"Diana Leon‐Espinoza","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxac030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxac030","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article aims to reveal how Costa Rica and Uruguay succeeded in adopting integrated care policies. By adapting the classic “multiple streams approach,” I analyze the processes leading to the adoption of two care policies in Costa Rica and Uruguay. The findings suggest that the key to understanding the adoption of care policies lies within the interplay between agents and contexts in different streams. Problems can be constructed as a top-down process by a women’s agency or as a bottom-up process from a feminist organization. Solutions can be designed in close-knit policy networks of technocrats/bureaucrats or in open policy networks of bureaucrats and civil society organizations. Care policies become prominent items on government agendas in the presence of programmatic political parties and high electoral competition settings that prioritize the issue to attract voters or consolidate support. The alignment of problems, solutions, and politics identify different pathways that lead to the adoption of care policies.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"29 1","pages":"1379 - 1402"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44053290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Brazil’s Minha Casa Minha Vida (MCMV) program was touted as a “pro-female” policy to promote women’s autonomy and empowerment through subsidized homeownership. However, its design and discourse constructed motherhood as the primary basis of women’s inclusion. This article examines the gendered effects of a maternalist housing program through ethnographic research in São Paulo, looking at both movement organizations using MCMV to provide housing for members, and everyday life among residents in an MCMV-subsidized housing complex. It finds that while many women felt empowered by inclusion in MCMV, the program also produced gendered exclusions and reinforced unequal gendered burdens. First, it selectively prioritized low-income mothers while excluding other groups of women as undeserving “single people.” Second, it primed beneficiaries to view state-subsidized housing as conditioned upon their responsibility for home and family, expanding maternal obligations to include the financial management of homeownership without easing gendered burdens of care.
摘要：巴西的Minha Casa Minha Vida项目被吹捧为一项“亲女性”政策，旨在通过补贴住房来促进妇女的自主权和赋权。然而，它的设计和话语将母性建构为妇女融入社会的主要基础。本文通过在圣保罗进行的民族志研究，考察了母系主义住房计划的性别效应，考察了使用MCMV为成员提供住房的运动组织，以及MCMV补贴住房综合体中居民的日常生活。它发现，尽管许多妇女感到被纳入MCMV赋予了权力，但该计划也产生了性别排斥，并强化了不平等的性别负担。首先，它有选择地优先考虑低收入母亲，同时将其他女性群体排除在外，将其视为不值得的“单身人士”。其次，它促使受益人将国家补贴住房视为以他们对家庭和家庭的责任为条件，扩大了母亲的义务，包括对住房所有权的财务管理，而不减轻性别护理负担。
{"title":"Empowered Homeowners, Responsible Mothers: Promises and Pitfalls of Maternalist Housing Provision in Brazil’s Minha Casa Minha Vida Program","authors":"Carter M. Koppelman","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxac026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxac026","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Brazil’s Minha Casa Minha Vida (MCMV) program was touted as a “pro-female” policy to promote women’s autonomy and empowerment through subsidized homeownership. However, its design and discourse constructed motherhood as the primary basis of women’s inclusion. This article examines the gendered effects of a maternalist housing program through ethnographic research in São Paulo, looking at both movement organizations using MCMV to provide housing for members, and everyday life among residents in an MCMV-subsidized housing complex. It finds that while many women felt empowered by inclusion in MCMV, the program also produced gendered exclusions and reinforced unequal gendered burdens. First, it selectively prioritized low-income mothers while excluding other groups of women as undeserving “single people.” Second, it primed beneficiaries to view state-subsidized housing as conditioned upon their responsibility for home and family, expanding maternal obligations to include the financial management of homeownership without easing gendered burdens of care.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"29 1","pages":"1449 - 1473"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43860835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Austerity measures are commonly adopted to address economic crises. Such measures have particularly adverse effects for women, but studies have found these consequences to be strategically silenced. I explore the conditions under which the gendered effects of austerity are silenced, and by whom. Drawing on an original dataset of 9,420 newspaper articles (2010–2020) addressing austerity measures introduced in Spain, I find that politicians from left parties critique the labor reforms for negatively affecting women's working conditions, while conservative politicians rarely address the reforms from a gender perspective. The party political difference is conditioned by government–opposition dynamics, and the salience of gender perspectives varies with election cycles. These findings suggest that a gender lens is more likely to be present in the public debate on economic policy-making when it is strategically beneficial for garnering political support.
{"title":"Austerity Policies and the Strategic Silencing of Their Gendered Effects: Evidence from Spain","authors":"My Rafstedt","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxac023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxac023","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Austerity measures are commonly adopted to address economic crises. Such measures have particularly adverse effects for women, but studies have found these consequences to be strategically silenced. I explore the conditions under which the gendered effects of austerity are silenced, and by whom. Drawing on an original dataset of 9,420 newspaper articles (2010–2020) addressing austerity measures introduced in Spain, I find that politicians from left parties critique the labor reforms for negatively affecting women's working conditions, while conservative politicians rarely address the reforms from a gender perspective. The party political difference is conditioned by government–opposition dynamics, and the salience of gender perspectives varies with election cycles. These findings suggest that a gender lens is more likely to be present in the public debate on economic policy-making when it is strategically beneficial for garnering political support.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"29 1","pages":"1009 - 1033"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44406537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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