Abstract This article analyzes Women Wage Peace (WWP), an Israeli grassroots peace movement, as a case study of intersectionality in women’s movements. Using an ethnographic model based on semi-structured interviews with previous and current movement members, I investigate the dilemmas and strategies of WWP in its pursuit of a diverse membership base, a goal considered unique in Israeli peace discourse. This study contributes to understanding intersectional theory and practice, explaining why such an approach is not (always) effective in women’s movements despite the best intentions. Examining WWP through the lens of peripherality and privilege highlights the movement’s hierarchical power structure, identifying the places where intersectional awareness does not translate into political practice. By providing examples of the challenges of intersectionality in women’s movements, these findings offer a response to the need for more nuanced analysis in current feminist and social movement research.
{"title":"Between Peripherality and Privilege: “Women Wage Peace” as a Case Study of Intersectionality Practices in Women’s Movements","authors":"Veronica Lion","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad030","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article analyzes Women Wage Peace (WWP), an Israeli grassroots peace movement, as a case study of intersectionality in women’s movements. Using an ethnographic model based on semi-structured interviews with previous and current movement members, I investigate the dilemmas and strategies of WWP in its pursuit of a diverse membership base, a goal considered unique in Israeli peace discourse. This study contributes to understanding intersectional theory and practice, explaining why such an approach is not (always) effective in women’s movements despite the best intentions. Examining WWP through the lens of peripherality and privilege highlights the movement’s hierarchical power structure, identifying the places where intersectional awareness does not translate into political practice. By providing examples of the challenges of intersectionality in women’s movements, these findings offer a response to the need for more nuanced analysis in current feminist and social movement research.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":" 48","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135291792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article explores the ways in which everyday life produces gendered links between debt and social reproduction in contradictory ways. Based on interviews with women from indebted households in Athens and Istanbul, it argues that debt and socially reproductive work come to rely on one another, with gendered implications for caring, expanded agency, and embodied risks. Indebtedness demands forms of socially reproductive labor that women practice through caring for the debt and the indebted family. While this expands women’s agency, it also reinforces their experiences of distress and social isolation. This dual outcome reveals gendered contradictions emerging through the interdependency of debt and social reproduction. While the management of debt relies on socially reproductive labor through which women exercise greater agency, it creates embodied risks that threaten their own social reproduction, which also relies on debt.
{"title":"Household Debt and Social Reproduction in Everyday Life: Women’s Experiences of Caring, Agency, and Risk","authors":"Pelin Kılınçarslan","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad031","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores the ways in which everyday life produces gendered links between debt and social reproduction in contradictory ways. Based on interviews with women from indebted households in Athens and Istanbul, it argues that debt and socially reproductive work come to rely on one another, with gendered implications for caring, expanded agency, and embodied risks. Indebtedness demands forms of socially reproductive labor that women practice through caring for the debt and the indebted family. While this expands women’s agency, it also reinforces their experiences of distress and social isolation. This dual outcome reveals gendered contradictions emerging through the interdependency of debt and social reproduction. While the management of debt relies on socially reproductive labor through which women exercise greater agency, it creates embodied risks that threaten their own social reproduction, which also relies on debt.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"4 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135875265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Feminists’ scholarship and critique of gender climate injustice have exposed just how scarce the practical efforts to correct it are. The challenge of generating incentives designed to encourage urban planning that accounts for expected intersectional vulnerabilities during climate disasters reflects a gap in knowledge: how does professionals’ awareness of intensified vulnerabilities inform climate adaptation plans (CAPs)? We propose an intersectional critical feminist perspective evaluating recognition, dialog, and budgeting that decodes the social process by which professionals’ knowledge of intersectional vulnerabilities is lost before informing CAPs. Based on an empirical investigation of the increasing gender awareness among administrators who accumulate knowledge about women’s vulnerabilities, our analysis contributes an explanation of the marginalization of gender mainstreaming toolkits in urban CAPs. We show that even in municipalities characterized by increasing levels of recognition, relevant knowledge rarely informs the dialog, and planning appropriate responses for intersectional vulnerabilities is left unbudgeted.
{"title":"A Critical Feminist Perspective on Climate Change Adaptation Plans: Mapping Municipal Recognition, Dialog, and Budgeting","authors":"Orly Benjamin, Karni Krigel","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad029","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Feminists’ scholarship and critique of gender climate injustice have exposed just how scarce the practical efforts to correct it are. The challenge of generating incentives designed to encourage urban planning that accounts for expected intersectional vulnerabilities during climate disasters reflects a gap in knowledge: how does professionals’ awareness of intensified vulnerabilities inform climate adaptation plans (CAPs)? We propose an intersectional critical feminist perspective evaluating recognition, dialog, and budgeting that decodes the social process by which professionals’ knowledge of intersectional vulnerabilities is lost before informing CAPs. Based on an empirical investigation of the increasing gender awareness among administrators who accumulate knowledge about women’s vulnerabilities, our analysis contributes an explanation of the marginalization of gender mainstreaming toolkits in urban CAPs. We show that even in municipalities characterized by increasing levels of recognition, relevant knowledge rarely informs the dialog, and planning appropriate responses for intersectional vulnerabilities is left unbudgeted.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135667780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Historically, the provision of childcare has been a forgotten area of Austrian family policy. During the last decade, much effort was made to catch up with other European countries, but notable differences persist between Austrian regions and municipalities. This article engages the following question: does local political representation affect the public childcare coverage rate in Austrian municipalities? Based on a unique longitudinal data set (2003–2018) containing yearly measures for 1,789 Austrian municipalities, several hierarchical regression models are calculated. The results reveal a positive effect of women and left-party share in the local councils as well as an interaction effect between the two. The findings suggest that women have an impact on the share of children in public childcare only in a right-wing-dominated political sphere.
{"title":"Does Local Political Representation Affect the Childcare Coverage Rate in Austrian Municipalities?","authors":"Carmen Walenta-Bergmann","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad024","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Historically, the provision of childcare has been a forgotten area of Austrian family policy. During the last decade, much effort was made to catch up with other European countries, but notable differences persist between Austrian regions and municipalities. This article engages the following question: does local political representation affect the public childcare coverage rate in Austrian municipalities? Based on a unique longitudinal data set (2003–2018) containing yearly measures for 1,789 Austrian municipalities, several hierarchical regression models are calculated. The results reveal a positive effect of women and left-party share in the local councils as well as an interaction effect between the two. The findings suggest that women have an impact on the share of children in public childcare only in a right-wing-dominated political sphere.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"177 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135667323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Understanding the dominant principle(s) of a welfare regime has been the “higher-level” objective of welfare state analysis. East Asian welfare states are no exception, and thus many contributions have sought to understand the welfare state order of these countries. In this article, we consider the development and current architecture of family policies at the center of welfare regime debate for the case of South Korea. Through this analysis we aim to critically assess current assumptions that both original foundations—productivist welfare capitalism and Confucianism—are theoretically useless for understanding the current welfare state and its development. Instead, this article argues that productivism remains at the heart of family policy in South Korea. The repositioning of productivism, however, and the related focus on social reproduction in the welfare state project, have led to most of the changes introduced to the detriment of Confucianism.
{"title":"Forgotten Concepts of Korea’s Welfare State: Productivist Welfare Capitalism and Confucianism Revisited in Family Policy Change","authors":"Martin Gurín","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad028","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Understanding the dominant principle(s) of a welfare regime has been the “higher-level” objective of welfare state analysis. East Asian welfare states are no exception, and thus many contributions have sought to understand the welfare state order of these countries. In this article, we consider the development and current architecture of family policies at the center of welfare regime debate for the case of South Korea. Through this analysis we aim to critically assess current assumptions that both original foundations—productivist welfare capitalism and Confucianism—are theoretically useless for understanding the current welfare state and its development. Instead, this article argues that productivism remains at the heart of family policy in South Korea. The repositioning of productivism, however, and the related focus on social reproduction in the welfare state project, have led to most of the changes introduced to the detriment of Confucianism.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"260 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135917872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Focusing on a contemporary peace movement in Israel, Women Wage Peace (WWP), this article studies female Jewish and Arab-Palestinian activists to understand if/why they believe in women’s peacefulness and why they chose a women-led movement. While not challenging the idea of women’s peacefulness, the activists’ testimonies shed light on various explanations behind the “women and peace hypothesis,” beyond maternal arguments. Despite a militaristic/patriarchal context where maternal collective action frames are culturally resonant, some activists refuse to be reduced to one-dimensional mothers. The article also finds that through caring practices, WWP creates a unique feeling of belonging, including for Arab-Palestinian activists experiencing a deficit of belonging. The article draws on qualitative methodologies, interviews, and ethnographic work conducted in 2019–2020. Implications include the value for women’s peace movements to use both maternal and feminine collective action frames, decoupled from motherhood, and to actively create “safe spaces” where women feel that they belong.
{"title":"Beyond Clueless Mothers: Israeli “Women Wage Peace” Activists’ Perceptions of Why Women Are Key to Peacemaking","authors":"Liv Halperin","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad027","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Focusing on a contemporary peace movement in Israel, Women Wage Peace (WWP), this article studies female Jewish and Arab-Palestinian activists to understand if/why they believe in women’s peacefulness and why they chose a women-led movement. While not challenging the idea of women’s peacefulness, the activists’ testimonies shed light on various explanations behind the “women and peace hypothesis,” beyond maternal arguments. Despite a militaristic/patriarchal context where maternal collective action frames are culturally resonant, some activists refuse to be reduced to one-dimensional mothers. The article also finds that through caring practices, WWP creates a unique feeling of belonging, including for Arab-Palestinian activists experiencing a deficit of belonging. The article draws on qualitative methodologies, interviews, and ethnographic work conducted in 2019–2020. Implications include the value for women’s peace movements to use both maternal and feminine collective action frames, decoupled from motherhood, and to actively create “safe spaces” where women feel that they belong.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135855016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article introduces the notion of the “biopolitics of parental access” as an analytical lens to examine how different forms of reproductive governance support and enable parental access. Through a cross-reading of political and administrative documents relating to the regulation of, respectively, transnational adoption in Denmark and transnational surrogacy in Norway, we examine the logics and techniques that inform the reproductive governance of parental access. Drawing attention to the racialized entanglement of pro- and anti-natalism, the analysis shows how access to parenthood for Danish and Norwegian citizens is continued and secured through the annihilation of the parenthood of surrogate mothers and families losing children to adoption. While the concrete logics and techniques of reproductive governance differ in the two cases, the result—access to parenthood—is similar.
{"title":"The Biopolitics of Parental Access: Cross-Readings of Transnational Adoption and Surrogacy in Denmark and Norway","authors":"Ingvill Stuvøy, Lene Myong","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad026","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article introduces the notion of the “biopolitics of parental access” as an analytical lens to examine how different forms of reproductive governance support and enable parental access. Through a cross-reading of political and administrative documents relating to the regulation of, respectively, transnational adoption in Denmark and transnational surrogacy in Norway, we examine the logics and techniques that inform the reproductive governance of parental access. Drawing attention to the racialized entanglement of pro- and anti-natalism, the analysis shows how access to parenthood for Danish and Norwegian citizens is continued and secured through the annihilation of the parenthood of surrogate mothers and families losing children to adoption. While the concrete logics and techniques of reproductive governance differ in the two cases, the result—access to parenthood—is similar.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135482120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract During the COVID-19 pandemic, advocating for basic protections has become a matter of survival for domestic workers. With the onset of COVID-19, this largely female and immigrant workforce was expected to take on dangerous care duties with little protection against disease and death. We apply a necropolitical feminist analysis to expose the underlying logic of the deadly (virus) regime and to highlight how the movement counteracted that logic in the United States. Domestic worker organizations enacted a feminist model of collective care while also pushing for important changes within regulations designed to protect the economy above workers’ lives. The organizations representing domestic workers advanced their agendas of worker and immigrant rights, and the very value of care itself, while adapting their messaging to the prevailing rhetoric of limited relief measures in three stages, organized around three main narratives, centered on (essential) workers’ rights, public health, and a “healthy economy.”
{"title":"Advocating for Survival: Domestic Workers in the Necropolitical Regime of the Pandemic","authors":"Anna Rosinska, Elizabeth Pellerito","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad025","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract During the COVID-19 pandemic, advocating for basic protections has become a matter of survival for domestic workers. With the onset of COVID-19, this largely female and immigrant workforce was expected to take on dangerous care duties with little protection against disease and death. We apply a necropolitical feminist analysis to expose the underlying logic of the deadly (virus) regime and to highlight how the movement counteracted that logic in the United States. Domestic worker organizations enacted a feminist model of collective care while also pushing for important changes within regulations designed to protect the economy above workers’ lives. The organizations representing domestic workers advanced their agendas of worker and immigrant rights, and the very value of care itself, while adapting their messaging to the prevailing rhetoric of limited relief measures in three stages, organized around three main narratives, centered on (essential) workers’ rights, public health, and a “healthy economy.”","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136279421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
María Amparo Cruz Saco, Mirian Gil, Valeria Vergaray
This study investigated the gender pay gap in Peru among older working persons, i.e. sixty years of age and older, who represent more than half of this population. Cultural and social gender norm variables were incorporated as regressors in a Mincer-type income model. Household surveys for the period 2004–2021 were used to estimate the total gap and regional heterogeneities. Three gender norm variables substantially increase the explained portion of the gender pay gap in the Oaxaca–Blinder decomposition. We find that the estimated pay gap among older working persons is 68 percent, larger than the gender pay gap for younger workers as documented in diverse contributions.
{"title":"Older Working Persons and the Gender Pay Gap: Estimations Using Gender Norm Variables in Peru","authors":"María Amparo Cruz Saco, Mirian Gil, Valeria Vergaray","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad022","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigated the gender pay gap in Peru among older working persons, i.e. sixty years of age and older, who represent more than half of this population. Cultural and social gender norm variables were incorporated as regressors in a Mincer-type income model. Household surveys for the period 2004–2021 were used to estimate the total gap and regional heterogeneities. Three gender norm variables substantially increase the explained portion of the gender pay gap in the Oaxaca–Blinder decomposition. We find that the estimated pay gap among older working persons is 68 percent, larger than the gender pay gap for younger workers as documented in diverse contributions.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135236551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the effect of rising authoritarianism on Russian and Serbian feminists. In both cases, regimes rely on what I term “Othering back.” Using “gender ideology” as a proxy for Western imperialism, they reappropriate postcolonial frames to reject democratization and human rights. In such a context, the critical argument that transnational feminism is an exercise of Western Othering to reify power relations no longer resonates with feminists on the ground. To them it dangerously resonates with their own regime’s discourse. The article first traces how the regimes conduct authoritarian Othering back. Based on interpretive discourse analysis, applied to sixty-nine interviews, it then shows how Russian and Serbian feminists make sense of this political environment and the new strategies they derive from their interpretation: the need for discursive subversion that articulates alternative imaginaries of transnational feminism that cannot be reappropriated by the regime.
{"title":"Authoritarian Othering Back and Feminist Subversion: Rethinking Transnational Feminism in Russia and Serbia","authors":"L. Bias","doi":"10.1093/sp/jxad023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxad023","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article examines the effect of rising authoritarianism on Russian and Serbian feminists. In both cases, regimes rely on what I term “Othering back.” Using “gender ideology” as a proxy for Western imperialism, they reappropriate postcolonial frames to reject democratization and human rights. In such a context, the critical argument that transnational feminism is an exercise of Western Othering to reify power relations no longer resonates with feminists on the ground. To them it dangerously resonates with their own regime’s discourse. The article first traces how the regimes conduct authoritarian Othering back. Based on interpretive discourse analysis, applied to sixty-nine interviews, it then shows how Russian and Serbian feminists make sense of this political environment and the new strategies they derive from their interpretation: the need for discursive subversion that articulates alternative imaginaries of transnational feminism that cannot be reappropriated by the regime.","PeriodicalId":47441,"journal":{"name":"Social Politics","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84452614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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