Pub Date : 2022-05-03DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2072287
Emma Paszat
{"title":"Organizing under pressure: authoritarianism, respectability politics, and lgbt advocacy in Rwanda","authors":"Emma Paszat","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2072287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2072287","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90439628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-02DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2070740
António Carvalho, Vera Ferreira
{"title":"Climate crisis, neoliberal environmentalism and the self: the case of ‘inner transition’","authors":"António Carvalho, Vera Ferreira","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2070740","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2070740","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76248795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-28DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2067140
R. Ellefsen, J. Jämte
ABSTRACT Since the early 2000s, governments in many Western democracies have introduced policies and practices to prevent radicalization and violent extremism (PRVE). This has led to the formation of a new policy arena in which an increased number of actors are tasked with PRVE work. The diverse set of actors and methods involved affect social movements in new and complex ways, but also challenges the established knowledge and analytical focus of research on the repression of social movements. In this article, we propose a conceptual framework that attends to the causes, content and consequences of protest control. We use it to examine interaction between actors in the PRVE arena and to highlight issues that are underexplored in repression research. To elucidate these issues, we use empirical examples from our own research on measures to counter extremist milieus in the Nordic countries and the UK.
{"title":"The causes, content and consequences of repression: A framework for analyzing protest control in the counter-extremism era","authors":"R. Ellefsen, J. Jämte","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2067140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2067140","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the early 2000s, governments in many Western democracies have introduced policies and practices to prevent radicalization and violent extremism (PRVE). This has led to the formation of a new policy arena in which an increased number of actors are tasked with PRVE work. The diverse set of actors and methods involved affect social movements in new and complex ways, but also challenges the established knowledge and analytical focus of research on the repression of social movements. In this article, we propose a conceptual framework that attends to the causes, content and consequences of protest control. We use it to examine interaction between actors in the PRVE arena and to highlight issues that are underexplored in repression research. To elucidate these issues, we use empirical examples from our own research on measures to counter extremist milieus in the Nordic countries and the UK.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"567 - 582"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79984348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-26DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2067841
R. López
ABSTRACT Under which conditions do movement actors have influence over legislation? Theory suggests that allies are important, but research findings are mixed. This study argues that if allies are conceptualized following an interactionist approach, they can be crucial. This study develops a new operationalization of movement allies and appraises it by examining the influence of LGBT and labor activists and their legislative allies on the approval of bill amendments in Chile. Using logistic regressions with clustered errors on 1,669 bill amendments, complemented with archival data and interviews with activists and members of congress, findings show that legislative allies have a positive effect on the passage of amendments. Moreover, their profile as social movement supporters gives legislative allies the influence to modify the content of bills when political conditions expand. These findings highlight the advantage of using an interactionist approach to identify legislative allies for movements and the value of analyzing amendments.
{"title":"Assessing the effect of activists and their legislative allies in the amendment of bills in Chile","authors":"R. López","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2067841","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2067841","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Under which conditions do movement actors have influence over legislation? Theory suggests that allies are important, but research findings are mixed. This study argues that if allies are conceptualized following an interactionist approach, they can be crucial. This study develops a new operationalization of movement allies and appraises it by examining the influence of LGBT and labor activists and their legislative allies on the approval of bill amendments in Chile. Using logistic regressions with clustered errors on 1,669 bill amendments, complemented with archival data and interviews with activists and members of congress, findings show that legislative allies have a positive effect on the passage of amendments. Moreover, their profile as social movement supporters gives legislative allies the influence to modify the content of bills when political conditions expand. These findings highlight the advantage of using an interactionist approach to identify legislative allies for movements and the value of analyzing amendments.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"583 - 601"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73878491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-20DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2067842
Peter A. Hanink, Adam Dunbar
{"title":"Protesting the police: an analysis of the correlates of support for police reform following the 2020 black lives matter protests","authors":"Peter A. Hanink, Adam Dunbar","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2067842","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2067842","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78500745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-18DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2061943
K. Calvo, Aitor Romeo Echeverría
ABSTRACT This article discusses 15-M and anti-austerity mobilizations in Spain from the perspective of repression and penalization. The literature has paid a great deal of attention to the consequences of this cycle of protest in relation to the quality of democratic participation and governance; it could be argued that the 15-M movement has raised the standards for key aspects of Spanish democracy. In articulating new counter-hegemonic claims, however, 15-M mobilizations have created an opportunity for new forms of repression. Drawing on criminology, socio-legal studies, and mobilization literature, we argue that this cycle of protest has been penalized. This involves a combination of technologies of repression that include invasive policing, securitization, and criminalization. Penalization needs to be seen as a dissent-suppressing mechanism, a negative response by political authorities and private actors that thrives when societies suffer from widespread anxieties about insecurity and crime.
{"title":"15-M Mobilizations and the penalization of counter-hegemonic protest in contemporary Spain","authors":"K. Calvo, Aitor Romeo Echeverría","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2061943","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2061943","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article discusses 15-M and anti-austerity mobilizations in Spain from the perspective of repression and penalization. The literature has paid a great deal of attention to the consequences of this cycle of protest in relation to the quality of democratic participation and governance; it could be argued that the 15-M movement has raised the standards for key aspects of Spanish democracy. In articulating new counter-hegemonic claims, however, 15-M mobilizations have created an opportunity for new forms of repression. Drawing on criminology, socio-legal studies, and mobilization literature, we argue that this cycle of protest has been penalized. This involves a combination of technologies of repression that include invasive policing, securitization, and criminalization. Penalization needs to be seen as a dissent-suppressing mechanism, a negative response by political authorities and private actors that thrives when societies suffer from widespread anxieties about insecurity and crime.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"421 - 437"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85110319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-13DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2061941
Manuel Jiménez-Sánchez, Patricia García-Espín
ABSTRACT The 15-M movement, which emerged in 2011 amidst the Great Recession in Spain, has achieved the status of transformative protest event. Social movement research using this concept has mostly focused on meso-level legacies: event memories shape later organisational dynamics within social movements and among activists. Collective memories can, however, transcend the activists’ milieu, acting as a sediment in the political culture of broader social sectors. Along this line of inquiry, this article examines the memory of the 15-M movement among ordinary demonstrators in two recent mobilisations (International Women’s Day and the pensioners’ protests). Based on forty-four in-depth interviews, we show not only a widespread recollection of 15-M eight years later, but also that memories include mobilising components, influencing the perceptions of protest as an efficacious political tool, or extending protest repertoires that are now considered familiar and legitimate. Recollections of 15-M are also associated with changes in the critical understanding of the political system and the advancement of a new political subject, which envisages an active role in politics for ordinary citizens. Significantly, these mobilising memories are discernible even among those who did not participate at the time, showing that cultural legacies may have transcended the first-instance protagonists. In short, protest action, subjects, critical mentalities and repertoires gained an enduring legitimacy, which is consistent with the extension of alternative horizontal logics of politics and more active understandings of citizenship.
{"title":"The mobilising memory of the 15-M movement: recollections and sediments in Spanish protest culture","authors":"Manuel Jiménez-Sánchez, Patricia García-Espín","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2061941","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2061941","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 15-M movement, which emerged in 2011 amidst the Great Recession in Spain, has achieved the status of transformative protest event. Social movement research using this concept has mostly focused on meso-level legacies: event memories shape later organisational dynamics within social movements and among activists. Collective memories can, however, transcend the activists’ milieu, acting as a sediment in the political culture of broader social sectors. Along this line of inquiry, this article examines the memory of the 15-M movement among ordinary demonstrators in two recent mobilisations (International Women’s Day and the pensioners’ protests). Based on forty-four in-depth interviews, we show not only a widespread recollection of 15-M eight years later, but also that memories include mobilising components, influencing the perceptions of protest as an efficacious political tool, or extending protest repertoires that are now considered familiar and legitimate. Recollections of 15-M are also associated with changes in the critical understanding of the political system and the advancement of a new political subject, which envisages an active role in politics for ordinary citizens. Significantly, these mobilising memories are discernible even among those who did not participate at the time, showing that cultural legacies may have transcended the first-instance protagonists. In short, protest action, subjects, critical mentalities and repertoires gained an enduring legitimacy, which is consistent with the extension of alternative horizontal logics of politics and more active understandings of citizenship.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"402 - 420"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89896978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-12DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2061942
Joel Blaxland
ABSTRACT The confluence of political party polarization, interparty conflict, and contentious politics is nearly a universal axiom in Africa. Although the reasons for parties to protest and rally are many, pinpointing who actually participates is rather tricky. Building on previous literature regarding the influential power of political parties on member behaviour, this study proposes political party affiliation strength as metric for identifying whom within political parties is more and less likely to participate in in-person political protests and rallies. Using data on Kenya, Nigeria, and Tunisia, this study finds strong supporting evidence that party affiliation strength effects protest participation propensity mediated by party-government linkages. Those strongly affiliated to political parties that enjoy majority power in government are less likely to protest, and strong affiliates of non-majority power-holding parties are more likely to protest. Preliminary evidence presented here also demonstrates those with non-political party affiliation are significantly more likely to post online about political issues rather than participate in in-person contentious politics. This study’s findings help further bridge the gap between individual political psychology and macro-level political behaviour.
{"title":"Political party affiliation strength and protest participation propensity: theory and evidence from Africa","authors":"Joel Blaxland","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2061942","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2061942","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The confluence of political party polarization, interparty conflict, and contentious politics is nearly a universal axiom in Africa. Although the reasons for parties to protest and rally are many, pinpointing who actually participates is rather tricky. Building on previous literature regarding the influential power of political parties on member behaviour, this study proposes political party affiliation strength as metric for identifying whom within political parties is more and less likely to participate in in-person political protests and rallies. Using data on Kenya, Nigeria, and Tunisia, this study finds strong supporting evidence that party affiliation strength effects protest participation propensity mediated by party-government linkages. Those strongly affiliated to political parties that enjoy majority power in government are less likely to protest, and strong affiliates of non-majority power-holding parties are more likely to protest. Preliminary evidence presented here also demonstrates those with non-political party affiliation are significantly more likely to post online about political issues rather than participate in in-person contentious politics. This study’s findings help further bridge the gap between individual political psychology and macro-level political behaviour.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"73 1","pages":"549 - 566"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85930982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-11DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2061940
Eduardo Romanos, J. Sola, César Rendueles
ABSTRACT The 15-M mobilizations shook Spanish society and placed the demand for ‘real democracy’ at the center of political debate. In order to better understand the scope and impact of the Indignados’ democratizing endeavors, this article aims to address an issue that has not received much attention: the connection of this protest cycle with the political economy. To this end, both the opportunity structure generated by the economic crisis and the class and generational conflicts shaping the mobilizations are analyzed. The article proposes that the symbolic and short-term success of 15-M in re-politicizing distributive conflicts contrasts with its medium-term inability to materially democratize the political economy. This relative failure can be explained by the confluence of several factors: on the one hand, 15-M’s organizational weakness and its disconnection from a somewhat declining labor movement; on the other, the lack of responsiveness of Spain’s political institutions to street politics and the powerful structural inertia of economic dynamics created by decades of neoliberalism. The findings of this case study aim to contribute to scholarly debates on the impacts of social movements and their connection to political economy and social classes.
{"title":"The political economy of the Spanish Indignados: political opportunities, social conflicts, and democratizing impacts","authors":"Eduardo Romanos, J. Sola, César Rendueles","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2061940","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2061940","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 15-M mobilizations shook Spanish society and placed the demand for ‘real democracy’ at the center of political debate. In order to better understand the scope and impact of the Indignados’ democratizing endeavors, this article aims to address an issue that has not received much attention: the connection of this protest cycle with the political economy. To this end, both the opportunity structure generated by the economic crisis and the class and generational conflicts shaping the mobilizations are analyzed. The article proposes that the symbolic and short-term success of 15-M in re-politicizing distributive conflicts contrasts with its medium-term inability to materially democratize the political economy. This relative failure can be explained by the confluence of several factors: on the one hand, 15-M’s organizational weakness and its disconnection from a somewhat declining labor movement; on the other, the lack of responsiveness of Spain’s political institutions to street politics and the powerful structural inertia of economic dynamics created by decades of neoliberalism. The findings of this case study aim to contribute to scholarly debates on the impacts of social movements and their connection to political economy and social classes.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"438 - 457"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91330392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-06DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2054796
Caroline McCalman
ABSTRACT This article discusses the mode of environmentalism practiced by those not commonly included in studies of environmentalism. Key weaknesses in environmental identity literatures are identified: the unacknowledged discrepancy between the conceptualisations of researchers and their research participants; the overwhelming abstractness of current conceptualisations; and the occlusion of those environmental actors not covered by movement organisations or designated as activists. A novel approach is outlined, whereby environmentalism is perceived as an example of implicit religion. A thorough discussion of the study sampling is included to demonstrate the applicability of this approach. Following a critical analysis of the discourses of environmental alienation accessed by interviewees, this article outlines the likely negative impact on global environmentalism which may result. The conceptualisation of ‘practical stewardship’ is offered to encompass a more inclusive notion of environmentalism.
{"title":"‘A proper environmentalist wouldn’t do that’: discourses of alienation from the environmental periphery","authors":"Caroline McCalman","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2054796","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2054796","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article discusses the mode of environmentalism practiced by those not commonly included in studies of environmentalism. Key weaknesses in environmental identity literatures are identified: the unacknowledged discrepancy between the conceptualisations of researchers and their research participants; the overwhelming abstractness of current conceptualisations; and the occlusion of those environmental actors not covered by movement organisations or designated as activists. A novel approach is outlined, whereby environmentalism is perceived as an example of implicit religion. A thorough discussion of the study sampling is included to demonstrate the applicability of this approach. Following a critical analysis of the discourses of environmental alienation accessed by interviewees, this article outlines the likely negative impact on global environmentalism which may result. The conceptualisation of ‘practical stewardship’ is offered to encompass a more inclusive notion of environmentalism.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"530 - 548"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87383472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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