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Review of African Political Economy最新文献

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Africa’s new urban spaces: deindustrialisation, infrastructure-led development and real estate frontiers 非洲的新城市空间:去工业化、基础设施主导的发展和房地产前沿
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2171284
T. Gillespie, Seth Schindler
ABSTRACT Many African governments have embraced centralised spatial planning and the construction of large-scale connective infrastructure as a means to synergise industrialisation and functional urban development. This article examines the tensions between these economic and urban development objectives in Ghana and Kenya. Infrastructure-led development in both cases has fuelled extended and unplanned urbanisation and the production of new frontiers for real estate investment. However, the evidence indicates that it has failed to contribute to processes of structural transformation. This argument advances debates about the tensions between supply chain and rentier capitalism and problematises the assumed relationship between infrastructure-led development and industrialisation.
摘要:许多非洲国家政府已经接受了集中的空间规划和大规模互联基础设施的建设,以此作为协同工业化和功能性城市发展的手段。本文探讨了加纳和肯尼亚的这些经济和城市发展目标之间的紧张关系。在这两种情况下,基础设施主导的发展都推动了长期和无计划的城市化,并为房地产投资创造了新的领域。然而,有证据表明,它未能促进结构转型进程。这一论点推动了关于供应链和寻租资本主义之间紧张关系的辩论,并使基础设施主导的发展和工业化之间假定的关系出现了问题。
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引用次数: 2
Public procurement law, political economy of the lowest responsive bidding, and the development of the water, sanitation and hygiene sector in Nigeria 公共采购法、最低响应招标的政治经济以及尼日利亚水、环境卫生和个人卫生部门的发展
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2194164
Aloysius-michaels Okolie, K. E. Nnamani, Chikodiri Nwangwu, Humphrey Nwobodo Agbo, Chinedu Cyril Ike
ABSTRACT This study challenges the argument that the non-enforceability of the procurement law is the bane of infrastructural development in Nigeria. Focusing on the water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) sector, the article argues that various attempts at procurement regulation were in fact moves to expand capital accumulation in the service delivery sector. Highly placed individuals leverage the lowest responsive bidding mechanism to engage in sharp practices which undermine the development of the WASH sector in the country. Given the prevailing scenario which presents the state, its institutions and laws – including the procurement legislation – as instruments in the hands of the dominant social forces, any investments in and attempts at rule enforcement tend to produce only minimal outcomes.
本研究挑战了采购法的不可执行性是尼日利亚基础设施发展的祸根的论点。文章以水、环境卫生和个人卫生(WASH)部门为重点,认为各种采购监管尝试实际上是扩大服务提供部门资本积累的举措。身居高位的个人利用最低反应性招标机制从事破坏该国讲卫生部门发展的尖锐做法。鉴于目前的情况是国家、其机构和法律- -包括采购立法- -是占主导地位的社会力量手中的工具,对规则执行的任何投资和尝试往往只能产生最小的结果。
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引用次数: 0
Capitalist crises and unstable global and national orders? 资本主义危机和不稳定的全球和国家秩序?
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2154012
R. Cline-Cole
Celebrated on 25 May each year on the continent and by African diasporas worldwide to mark the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963, Africa Day is of symbolic and practical value. It is, as the intergovernmental International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property puts it, an occasion for ‘Celebrations, Reflections and Concrete Actions’ (ICCROM 2022); a day, then, ‘to reflect on the progress Africa has made as a continent, in the face of the many challenges that a global environment brings [and] to recognise the successes of the continent and its cultural and economic potential’ (Africa.com 2021). This year, which also marks the 20th anniversary of the OAU’s transformation into the African Union (AU) in July 2002, has seen Africa Day celebrations during the AU’s Year of Nutrition taking place in the context of a heightened instability in the global order, characterised by the interlinked crises of Covid-19, the cost of living and the Russia–Ukraine war (Dua 2022). Globally, disruptions to food, fuel, energy and mineral supply chains caused or exacerbated by the war are ‘eroding standards of living and aggravating macroeconomic imbalances’ which were beginning to show slight signs of recovery in the wake of Covid-19 (Selassie and Kovacs 2022). Moreover, as the International Monetary Foundation (IMF)’s most recent Regional Economic Outlook for Africa acknowledges, states and governments have little room for manoeuvre in responding to what the IMF describes as a new and exogenous shock (IMF 2022), and which its managing director recognises as involving ‘this food crisis com[ing] on top of a debt crisis’ (cited in Roberts 2022). The cost-of-living crisis in particular is exacerbating continental food insecurity and malnutrition, in addition to fuelling goods and services inflation, with the most vulnerable economies, households and individuals experiencing the greatest privations across the continent (Akinwotu 2022a; Babalola 2022; BBC 2022a). Indeed, a combination of Covid, conflict and the climate emergency had already precipitated acute hunger in some of the world’s poorest countries, even before the Russian invasion of Ukraine and its impact on food, fuel and fertiliser prices (Davies 2022a), which has increased the likelihood of some of the worst-hit parts of eastern and southern Africa, among others, being pushed into famine in the absence of appropriate and effective global and local intervention (The Guardian 2022a; Davies 2022b). And yet, recent Oxfam analysis of IMF Covid-19 loan conditionalities has shown the IMF systematically encouraging countries to plan to (re-)impose austerity as soon as the Coronavirus pandemic subsided (Tamale 2021), although the Fund’s director of its African Department has responded by highlighting, as evidence of good faith and commitment to the continent’s long-term fiscal health, IMF provision of initial funding which helped countries to create
非洲日每年5月25日在非洲大陆和全世界的非洲侨民庆祝,以纪念1963年非洲统一组织(非统组织)的成立,具有象征意义和实际价值。正如政府间国际文化财产保护和修复研究中心所说,这是一个“庆祝、反思和具体行动”的场合(ICCROM 2022);一天,“反思非洲作为一个大陆在面对全球环境带来的诸多挑战时取得的进步,并认识到非洲大陆的成功及其文化和经济潜力”(Africa.com 2021)。今年也是非统组织于2002年7月转变为非洲联盟(非盟)20周年,在全球秩序日益不稳定的背景下,在非盟营养年期间举行了非洲日庆祝活动,其特点是新冠肺炎、生活成本和俄乌战争(Dua 2022)等相互关联的危机。在全球范围内,战争造成或加剧的食品、燃料、能源和矿产供应链中断正在“侵蚀生活水平,加剧宏观经济失衡”,新冠肺炎后,宏观经济失衡开始显示出轻微的复苏迹象(Selassie和Kovacs 2022)。此外,正如国际货币基金会(IMF)最新发布的《非洲区域经济展望》所承认的那样,各国和政府在应对IMF所称的新的外部冲击(IMF 2022)方面几乎没有回旋余地,其董事总经理承认这涉及“债务危机之上的粮食危机”(Roberts 2022引用)。生活成本危机尤其加剧了非洲大陆的粮食不安全和营养不良,此外还加剧了商品和服务的通货膨胀,最脆弱的经济体、家庭和个人在整个非洲大陆经历了最大的贫困(Akinwotu 2022a;Babalola 2022;BBC 2022a)。事实上,新冠肺炎、冲突和气候紧急情况的结合已经在世界上一些最贫穷的国家引发了严重的饥饿,甚至在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰及其对粮食、燃料和化肥价格的影响之前(Davies 2022a),这增加了东非和南部非洲一些受灾最严重地区等的可能性,在缺乏适当有效的全球和地方干预的情况下被推向饥荒(《卫报》2022a;戴维斯2022b)。然而,乐施会最近对IMF新冠肺炎贷款条件的分析显示,IMF系统地鼓励各国计划在冠状病毒疫情消退后(Tamale 2021)立即(重新)实施紧缩,尽管该基金非洲部主任的回应是,作为对非洲大陆长期财政健康的善意和承诺的证据,国际货币基金组织提供的初始资金帮助各国创造了经济复苏后需要保护的“财政空间”(AllAfrica 2022)。但国际货币基金组织也被指责在其缓解和管理危机的方法中采用了“双重标准”——据报道,总裁克里斯塔利娜·格奥尔基耶娃“敦促欧洲不要用“令人窒息的紧缩力量”危及其经济复苏”(乐施会2022a),尽管她的机构加倍支持
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引用次数: 0
Bilateral trade and politico-administrative border relations in Africa: an analysis of the case of Nigeria and Benin Republic 非洲双边贸易与政治行政边界关系:以尼日利亚和贝宁共和国为例分析
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2109012
P. H. Omeh, I. Abada, C. Onah, Ngozika Josephine Anozie, B. Amujiri
SUMMARY Bilateral formal trade relations between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin have increased significantly in the last 10 years. There has also been an increase in the smuggling of contraband goods due to the porous borders. This briefing explores the nexus between bilateral trade and politico-administrative border relations between the two countries. It interrogates the character of the border relations and consequences for the political economy of trade. The briefing highlights that border politics drive formal and informal trade relations. It also highlights other drivers of illegal activities in the border areas, including the cultural affinity between inhabitants living within the contiguous borders, and compromised government officials.
尼日利亚和贝宁共和国之间的双边正式贸易关系在过去十年中显著增加。由于边界漏洞百出,走私违禁品的情况也有所增加。本简报探讨了双边贸易与两国政治行政边界关系之间的联系。它探讨了边境关系的特点及其对贸易政治经济的影响。简报强调,边境政治推动着正式和非正式的贸易关系。报告还强调了边境地区非法活动的其他驱动因素,包括居住在相邻边界内的居民与妥协的政府官员之间的文化亲和力。
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引用次数: 0
The climate emergency in Africa: crisis, ‘solutions’ and resistance 非洲气候紧急情况:危机、“解决方案”和阻力
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2133205
Lee Wengraf
The Review of
审查
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引用次数: 0
Anti-fraud measures in Western Africa and commentary on research findings across the three regions analysed 西非的反欺诈措施以及对三个地区的研究结果的评论
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2093634
Nataliya Mykhalchenko, Jörg Wiegratz
SUMMARY This briefing explores anti-fraud measures (AFMs) in Ghana, Nigeria and Sierra Leone. This is the last of three Briefings which examine the characteristics of AFMs across Africa. The findings confirm our earlier analyses concerning major anti-fraud measure drivers, actors, tools and controversies. These measures link matters of corporate competition, branding, consumer protection, industrial policy, capitalism and national politics, and are by now a component of economic policy and governance of various African states. A reflection on the data presented across the three Briefings concludes, and marks the end of the series.
本简报探讨了加纳、尼日利亚和塞拉利昂的反欺诈措施(afm)。这是审查整个非洲afm特点的三份简报中的最后一份。调查结果证实了我们之前关于主要反欺诈措施驱动因素、参与者、工具和争议的分析。这些措施将企业竞争、品牌、消费者保护、产业政策、资本主义和国家政治等问题联系起来,目前已成为非洲各国经济政策和治理的组成部分。对三份简报中提供的数据进行反思,并标志着该系列的结束。
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引用次数: 1
Ruth First Prize 露丝一等奖
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2117493
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引用次数: 0
Connecting people and voices for radical change in Africa 将人民和声音联系起来,推动非洲彻底变革
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2117921
Leo Zeilig, Chinedu Chukwudinma, B. Radley
In this section of the journal, we aim to give readers of the print journal a picture of what has been published on Roape.net over the last few months, and invite you to connect and follow the articles, blogposts, authors and debates online. Details of all the blogposts referred to here are in the reference list at the end. We warmly invite all our readers to sign up to the Roape.net newsletter and WhatsApp service at the top of the home page of the website.
在杂志的这一部分,我们的目标是让读者了解过去几个月在Roape.net上发表的文章,并邀请您联系并关注在线文章,博客文章,作者和辩论。这里提到的所有博客的详细信息都在最后的参考列表中。我们热忱邀请所有读者注册网站首页顶部的Roape.net通讯和WhatsApp服务。
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引用次数: 0
Mining, capital and dispossession in post-apartheid South Africa 后种族隔离时代南非的采矿、资本和剥夺
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2098008
Phillan Zamchiya
ABSTRACT Some Marxist political economists use accumulation by dispossession to explain processes in which natural resources are enclosed and their users dispossessed through extra-economic means. However, accumulation by dispossession takes an overly omnibus and materialistic approach in trying to cover a wide range of global processes. This article therefore distils accumulation by dispossession’s three central features of coercion, non-voluntary consent and corruption to enhance its local explanatory power of material and incorporeal dispossession in post-apartheid South Africa. This approach magnifies how a triumvirate of traditional leaders, state officials and Ivanplats platinum mine dispossessed people living on customary land in Limpopo, with detrimental effects.
摘要一些马克思主义政治经济学家用剥夺积累来解释自然资源被封闭和使用者通过额外经济手段被剥夺的过程。然而,剥夺积累采取了一种过于综合和物质主义的方法,试图涵盖广泛的全球进程。因此,本文提炼了剥夺积累的三个核心特征,即胁迫、非自愿同意和腐败,以增强其在种族隔离后的南非对物质和非物质剥夺的地方解释力。这种方法放大了传统领导人、国家官员和伊万普拉茨铂矿三巨头如何剥夺生活在林波波传统土地上的人们的权利,并产生了有害影响。
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引用次数: 2
Crony capitalist deals and investment in South Africa’s platinum belt: a case study of Anglo American Platinum’s scramble for mining rights, 1995–2019 Crony资本家对南非铂带的交易和投资:1995-2019年英美铂业争夺采矿权的案例研究
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2022.2098009
Musawenkosi Nxele
ABSTRACT This article analyses how crony capitalism emerges as a solution to maintaining investment in platinum mining. Using a case study of platinum, the analytic narrative exploits the quasi-experimental design provided by the nationalisation of mineral rights to evaluate the relationship between mining investment and crony capitalism. Does the policy have the effects intended? This article argues that the answer is no because of the cronyism between mining capital and politically connected black elites. The institutionalisation of cronyism, coupled with low economic growth and shrinking market-based black economic empowerment opportunities, bolstered and legitimised capture of the state. The system of cronyism produced limited investment and limited black productive capital. Poor mining communities and mine workers have suffered from this cronyism, but have recently organised their power to control the operating environment, or the ‘social licence’ to operate.
摘要本文分析了裙带资本主义如何成为维持铂矿投资的解决方案。通过对铂的案例研究,分析叙事利用矿业权国有化提供的准实验设计来评估矿业投资与裙带资本主义之间的关系。该政策是否具有预期效果?这篇文章认为,答案是否定的,因为矿业资本和有政治关系的黑人精英之间任人唯亲。任人唯亲的制度化,加上低经济增长和基于市场的黑人经济赋权机会的减少,支持了对国家的掠夺并使其合法化。任人唯亲制度产生了有限的投资和有限的黑人生产资本。贫穷的采矿社区和矿工一直受到这种任人唯亲的影响,但最近他们组织了自己的权力来控制运营环境,或运营的“社会许可证”。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Review of African Political Economy
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