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Debating the implications of the Pretoria Agreement for Ethiopia: countering attempts to silence alternative voices 辩论《比勒陀利亚协定》对埃塞俄比亚的影响:反对压制其他声音的企图
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2273693
Fana Gebresenbet, Yonas Tariku
SUMMARYFollowing an earlier piece by the authors debating the importance of the Pretoria Agreement (or Cessation of Hostilities Agreement) concluded in November 2022, this piece sets out their formal response to and rebuttal of blog comments received on Roape.net (Gebrehiwot et al. Citation2023), and also of comments in a debate piece by J. Abbink (Citation2023) published in this issue of the Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE). The authors here contest the views put forward as lacking engagement with their arguments and mischaracterising their views.KEYWORDS: African politicsEthiopiaarmed conflictethno-political tensionsTigray Disclosure statementThe authors declare no conflict of interest.Notes1 While in the Ethiopian tradition first names would be used here and in the journal references, the journal’s European system of listing by second name has been used for citations and references in this piece. The text therefore often refers to Mulugeta and co-authors, while their piece under discussion is listed under Gebrehiwot et al. Citation2023 in the reference list, as indicated in the citations.2 Two of our critics are clearly politically partisan and have skin in the game: Mulugeta (as a TPLF veteran and still an insider) and Mohammed Hassan (an Oromo Liberation Army [OLA] negotiator).3 Abbink gives the number of internally displaced persons and victims of massacres as if they are uncontested facts (see Abadir Citation2023) and ignores some confirmed atrocities that occurred in Tigray.4 https://twitter.com/WorldPeaceFdtn/status/1669416423641468929?s=03.Additional informationNotes on contributorsFana GebresenbetFana Gebresenbet is Director and an associate professor of peacebuilding and development at the Institute for Peace and Security Studies of Addis Ababa University. He has co-edited two books, Lands of the future (Berghahn, 2021) and Youth on the move (Hurst, 2021), and published numerous journal articles and book chapters. His research interests cover the politics of development, political economy and peacebuilding in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.Yonas TarikuYonas Tariku is a lecturer and academic coordinator of the MA programme at the Institute for Peace and Security Studies (IPSS) of Addis Ababa University. His primary research focus is on national and regional security in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa; his publications focus on peace, conflict and security. Since 2015, he has also been part-time trainer at the Ethiopian National Defence Force’s International Peace Support Training Institute. His latest article is The Red Book: the political foundation of the Ethiopian National Defence Forces under the EPRDF (2022).
摘要:继之前作者就2022年11月达成的《比勒陀利亚协议》(或称“停止敌对行动协议”)的重要性进行辩论的文章之后,这篇文章列出了他们对Roape.net上收到的博客评论的正式回应和反驳(Gebrehiwot等人)。以及J. Abbink (Citation2023)在本期《非洲政治经济学评论》(ROAPE)上发表的一篇辩论文章中的评论。作者在此对这些观点提出质疑,认为他们缺乏对自己论点的参与,并且错误地描述了自己的观点。关键词:非洲政治;埃塞俄比亚武装冲突;民族政治紧张;注1在埃塞俄比亚的传统中,在这里和期刊参考文献中使用的是名字,而在这篇文章中,引用和参考文献使用的是期刊以第二名列出的欧洲系统。因此,文本通常指的是Mulugeta和合著者,而他们正在讨论的作品被列在Gebrehiwot et al下。参考文献列表中的Citation2023,如引文所示2 .我们的两名批评者明显是政治党派人士,他们是Mulugeta(作为TPLF老兵,仍然是内部人士)和Mohammed Hassan(奥罗莫解放军谈判代表)Abbink给出了国内流离失所者和大屠杀受害者的人数,仿佛这些都是无可争议的事实(见Abadir Citation2023),而忽略了发生在提格雷的一些已证实的暴行。https://twitter.com/WorldPeaceFdtn/status/1669416423641468929?s=03.Additional信息关于投稿人的说明sana GebresenbetFana Gebresenbet是亚的斯亚贝巴大学和平与安全研究所的主任和副教授。他与人合编了两本书,《未来的土地》(Berghahn, 2021)和《移动中的青年》(Hurst, 2021),并发表了许多期刊文章和书籍章节。他的研究兴趣包括埃塞俄比亚和非洲之角的发展政治、政治经济学和和平建设。Yonas Tariku,亚的斯亚贝巴大学和平与安全研究所(IPSS)硕士课程讲师和学术协调员。他的主要研究重点是埃塞俄比亚和非洲之角的国家和地区安全;他的出版物关注和平、冲突和安全。自2015年以来,他还在埃塞俄比亚国防军国际和平支持培训学院担任兼职培训师。他的最新文章是《红皮书:EPRDF领导下的埃塞俄比亚国防军的政治基础(2022)》。
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引用次数: 0
Coups and neo-colonialism 政变和新殖民主义
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2269693
Bettina Engels
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引用次数: 0
Predatory economics fuelling insecurity: violence and the commodification of labour in South Sudan 掠夺性经济加剧不安全:南苏丹的暴力和劳动力商品化
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2192343
S. Bakumenko
ABSTRACT This article explores how predatory economic processes play out in South Sudan, particularly in fuelling conflict and competition. It posits that issues of personal wealth and communal patronage are just as essential to understanding the conflict as politics, ideology and personal animosities. The article highlights the structural incentives for coercive economics and the commodification of labour. Exploring two case studies, it analyses how contests over the vital oil and cattle industries create insecurity in South Sudan, outlining the actors, methods and incentives involved in this economic violence. It concludes with opportunities for further research.
本文探讨了掠夺性经济进程如何在南苏丹发挥作用,特别是在助长冲突和竞争方面。它认为,个人财富和社区赞助问题与政治、意识形态和个人仇恨一样,对理解冲突至关重要。这篇文章强调了强制性经济和劳动力商品化的结构性激励。本书通过两个案例分析,分析了对重要的石油和畜牧业的争夺如何在南苏丹造成不安全,概述了这种经济暴力所涉及的行为者、方法和动机。最后提出了进一步研究的机会。
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引用次数: 0
Africa Development 非洲发展
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2240674
R. Bush
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引用次数: 1
Gramsci’s ‘Southern Question’ and Egypt’s authoritarian retrenchment: subalternity and the disruption of activist agency 葛兰西的“南方问题”和埃及的威权紧缩:次等性和激进机构的破坏
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2174691
Gennaro Gervasio, A. Teti
ABSTRACT Explanations of the authoritarian retrenchment after Egypt’s 2011 Revolution invoke either the regime’s repressive advantage over ‘leaderless’ mobilisation and civic activists, or insufficient preparations and radicalism on the part of opposition groups. Both explanations are unsatisfactory. First, because despite being ‘reformist’, opposition groups’ demands were perceived as radical challenges to regimes before, during and after the uprisings. Second, because appeals to regimes’ coercive capacity contradict explanations of opponents’ rise to prominence before the uprisings: if activists eroded Egypt’s authoritarian regime before 2011, what made them unable to continue doing so afterwards? Conversely, if activists’ agency was effective before 2011 despite gross imbalances in coercive capacity, then those imbalances alone cannot explain activists’ post-revolutionary decline. In short, if activists’ agency cannot be denied before Egypt’s ‘eighteen days’, it must be accounted for in their aftermath. To do this, the authors draw on Gramsci’s original texts and Italian-language scholarship to develop his neglected notion of disgregazione.
对2011年埃及革命后威权主义收缩的解释,要么援引政权对“无领导”动员和公民活动家的镇压优势,要么援引反对派团体的准备不足和激进主义。两种解释都不能令人满意。首先,尽管是“改革派”,但反对派团体的要求在起义之前、期间和之后都被视为对政权的激进挑战。其次,因为对政权强制能力的呼吁与反对派在起义前崛起的解释相矛盾:如果活动人士在2011年之前侵蚀了埃及的独裁政权,那么是什么让他们无法在之后继续这样做?相反,如果活动家的代理在2011年之前是有效的,尽管强制能力存在严重失衡,那么这些失衡本身并不能解释活动家在革命后的衰落。简而言之,如果在埃及的“十八天”之前不能否认激进分子的作用,那么它必须在其后果中得到解释。为了做到这一点,作者借鉴了葛兰西的原始文本和意大利语学术,发展了他被忽视的disgregazione概念。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy, separatist agitation and militarised state response in South East Nigeria 尼日利亚东南部的民主、分裂主义煽动和军事化的政府反应
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2174846
Luke A. Amadi, F. Allen, Zainab Mai-bornu
ABSTRACT This briefing revisits the dynamics of post-civil-war agitation for a separate state arising from Nigerian state repression in Africa’s largest democracy. It analyses uncertainties among many Nigerians in the south-east of the country and focuses on the recent experience of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a group agitating for a republic of Biafra. It argues for a more democratic order that legitimises equality and social justice as organising principles of democracy.
摘要:本次简报回顾了内战后尼日利亚对非洲最大民主国家的镇压所引发的独立国家的动荡。它分析了该国东南部许多尼日利亚人的不确定性,并重点介绍了比亚夫拉土著人民(IPOB)最近的经历,该组织是一个鼓动建立比亚夫拉共和国的团体。它主张建立一个更加民主的秩序,使平等和社会正义合法化,成为民主的组织原则。
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引用次数: 2
He who laughs last laughs the loudest: the 2021 donchi-kubeba (don’t tell) elections in Zambia 笑到最后的人笑得最响:2021年赞比亚大选
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2190452
James Musonda
ABSTRACT Most Africanist scholars stress the importance of clientelism in determining electoral outcomes and patrimonialism and the use of force in enabling ruling parties to prolong their stay in power. This article, which draws upon various instances of participant observation and interviews regarding the 2021 elections in Zambia, contributes to the few studies that emphasise the limits of clientelism and patrimonialism in African politics and the agency of voters or subordinate groups to hold their leaders accountable. It does so by showing how Zambian voters sought to secure benefits from clientelist campaigns, patrimonial rule and trade union campaigns to win changes in state policies, publicly promising reciprocity and loyalty when under the gaze of the ruling party actors, only to vote them out of power.
摘要大多数非洲主义学者都强调裙带关系在决定选举结果方面的重要性,以及世袭制和使用武力使执政党能够延长执政期的重要性。这篇文章借鉴了参与者对2021年赞比亚选举的各种观察和采访,为少数几项强调非洲政治中裙带关系和世袭制的局限性以及选民或下属团体追究其领导人责任的研究做出了贡献。它展示了赞比亚选民如何寻求从客户主义运动、世袭统治和工会运动中获得利益,以赢得国家政策的改变,在执政党行为者的注视下公开承诺互惠和忠诚,结果却让他们下台。
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引用次数: 4
The Pretoria Agreement: mere cessation of hostilities or heralding a new era in Ethiopia? 比勒陀利亚协定:仅仅是停止敌对行动,还是预示着埃塞俄比亚的新时代?
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2196714
Fana Gebresenbet, Yonas Tariku
SUMMARY On 2 November 2022, welcome news came from Pretoria, South Africa. After 10 days of negotiations, the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) signed a Cessation of Hostilities Agreement. This piece situates the importance of the war, and more importantly the agreement, within the longue durée of Ethiopian politics and highlights its importance as a turning point marking the end of the era of the dominance of the TPLF and the beginning of the end of ethno-nationalism's hegemonic centrality to national politics, including at the expense of the Ethiopian state.
总结2022年11月2日,南非比勒陀利亚传来喜讯。经过10天的谈判,埃塞俄比亚联邦民主共和国和提格雷人民解放阵线签署了《停止敌对行动协议》。这篇文章将战争的重要性,更重要的是,将协议置于埃塞俄比亚政治的长期内,并强调了其作为转折点的重要性,标志着蒂格雷人阵统治时代的结束,以及民族民族主义在国家政治中霸权中心地位的结束,包括以牺牲埃塞俄比亚国家为代价。
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引用次数: 5
Nahu-kparilim (cattle caretakership): understanding the persistence of unfree Fulani labour and the (non)violent renegotiation of power relations in agrarian economies in northern Ghana Nahu-kparilim(养牛):了解加纳北部农业经济中不自由的富拉尼劳工的持续存在和权力关系的(非暴力)重新谈判
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2192344
Surulola Eke
ABSTRACT This article focuses on how Fulani outsider status, often maintained through several generations, constitutes the basis for unequal labour, land and associated relations. It discusses how static forms of ‘fixed’ citizenship and socioeconomic immobility both maintain and intensify labour precarity, rendering the Fulani more vulnerable to the whims, caprices and avarice of their native ‘overlords’, as evidenced by the practice of nahu-kparilim in Ghana. The article’s main interest is thus land and labour injustice rather than pastoral production and related livelihood activities. Integrating the theories of unfreedom, social reproduction and subalternity, the article contributes to unfree labour studies by demonstrating that despite being constrained in complex ways, unfree labourers have the agency to renegotiate power relations. This advances the idea of unfree labourers’ agency which, in comparison to their immiseration, receives less attention in scholarship on unfreedom.
摘要本文关注的是富拉尼人的局外人地位,通常维持了几代人,是如何构成不平等劳动、土地和相关关系的基础的。它讨论了静态形式的“固定”公民身份和社会经济不动性如何维持和加剧劳动力的不稳定,使富拉尼人更容易受到当地“统治者”的反复无常和贪婪的影响,加纳的纳胡·克帕里姆实践就是明证。因此,这篇文章的主要关注点是土地和劳动力的不公正,而不是畜牧生产和相关的生计活动。本文综合了非自由主义、社会再生产和次替代主义的理论,通过证明非自由劳工尽管受到复杂的约束,但有重新谈判权力关系的代理权,为非自由劳工研究做出了贡献。这推进了自由劳动者代理的理念,与他们的移民相比,自由劳动者代理在学术界较少受到关注。
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引用次数: 0
The EFF as a ‘gateway party’? Briefing based on data from the 2021 South African local government elections EFF作为“门户方”?基于2021年南非地方政府选举数据的简报
IF 1.3 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2181062
M. Bekker
SUMMARY This briefing offers three contributions concerning the voter profile of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), as witnessed at the 2021 elections in South Africa. The first is that the party’s support base is relatively well educated (compared to the ruling African National Congress). Second, well over 10% of party support comes from relatively high earners, as measured by income levels. Finally, EFF support appears notably ‘fluid’, as indicated by voters switching support to the EFF (mostly from the ANC) and away from the EFF (mostly towards smaller parties), ultimately suggesting an image of the EFF as a ‘gateway party’.
摘要本简报提供了三份关于2021年南非选举中经济自由斗士(EFF)选民概况的贡献。首先,该党的支持基础相对受过良好教育(与执政的非洲人国民大会相比)。其次,以收入水平衡量,超过10%的政党支持来自相对较高的收入者。最后,EFF的支持似乎明显“不稳定”,正如选民将支持转向EFF(主要来自非国大)和远离EFF(大多转向较小的政党)所表明的那样,最终表明EFF是一个“门户政党”的形象。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Review of African Political Economy
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