Pub Date : 2023-09-08DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2251790
Dhouha Djerbi
SUMMARY In the wake of the Tunisian uprising in 2010–2011, the IMF vowed to support democratisation efforts, promising a novel approach attuned to the needs of the nation’s most marginalised people. However, IMF loan agreements garnered controversy for their conditionalities, raising doubts about the Fund’s ‘new’ strategy and its austerity-focused plans for economic restructuring. At the centre of the debt-critical movement, the country’s leading trade union organisation – the UGTT – positioned itself as a fierce opponent to the IMF. Against the backdrop of current talks for a new bailout, this briefing revisits the UGTT’s stance on two major loan agreements that Tunisia entered into after 2010.
{"title":"Foreign debt versus organised labour: reflections on the UGTT’s stance on IMF loans in post-uprising Tunisia","authors":"Dhouha Djerbi","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2023.2251790","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2023.2251790","url":null,"abstract":"SUMMARY In the wake of the Tunisian uprising in 2010–2011, the IMF vowed to support democratisation efforts, promising a novel approach attuned to the needs of the nation’s most marginalised people. However, IMF loan agreements garnered controversy for their conditionalities, raising doubts about the Fund’s ‘new’ strategy and its austerity-focused plans for economic restructuring. At the centre of the debt-critical movement, the country’s leading trade union organisation – the UGTT – positioned itself as a fierce opponent to the IMF. Against the backdrop of current talks for a new bailout, this briefing revisits the UGTT’s stance on two major loan agreements that Tunisia entered into after 2010.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47762117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-05DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2196715
Elias Aguigah
ABSTRACT Current debates around restitution of looted art from Africa mostly ignore politico-economic aspects of neocolonialism, reflecting the trend in academia as well as the wider public to separate cultural from economic issues. This article first aims to show the importance of the plunder and looting of material belongings in the establishment of European colonial rule over the African continent. Building on this, the author then highlights the role that restitutions play in current international neocolonial relations and in the political economy of ethnological museums. The paper calls for a broader analysis of the political economy of postcolonial restitution to realise its anticolonial potential.
{"title":"Restitution of looted artefacts: a politico-economic issue","authors":"Elias Aguigah","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2023.2196715","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2023.2196715","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Current debates around restitution of looted art from Africa mostly ignore politico-economic aspects of neocolonialism, reflecting the trend in academia as well as the wider public to separate cultural from economic issues. This article first aims to show the importance of the plunder and looting of material belongings in the establishment of European colonial rule over the African continent. Building on this, the author then highlights the role that restitutions play in current international neocolonial relations and in the political economy of ethnological museums. The paper calls for a broader analysis of the political economy of postcolonial restitution to realise its anticolonial potential.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45405822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-22DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2245729
Luke Melchiorre
ABSTRACT This article analyses the political rise of the Ugandan opposition leader, Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, arguing that he has a deployed a novel type of generational populism – a mobilising political discourse which frames the struggle between ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’ in generational terms, defining the former in relation to their status as youth, and in antagonistic opposition to an elite, which is depicted as defending a gerontocratic political order. At a theoretical level, the article broadens political science’s conception of populism, by introducing a new subtype of the political phenomenon which demonstrates the importance of intergenerational dynamics in the construction of the discursive categories of ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’. While it argues that Kyagulanyi’s success demonstrates the potential of populism in African countries to electorally challenge incumbent regimes, by helping to build political coalitions across ethno-regional lines, incorporating previously excluded social groups into the political process, it concludes by stressing that Kyagulanyi’s political project has failed to offer any real ideological alternative to the neoliberal orthodoxy that has characterised President Museveni’s Uganda over the last four decades.
{"title":"Generational populism and the political rise of Robert Kyagulanyi – aka Bobi Wine – in Uganda","authors":"Luke Melchiorre","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2023.2245729","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2023.2245729","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses the political rise of the Ugandan opposition leader, Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, arguing that he has a deployed a novel type of generational populism – a mobilising political discourse which frames the struggle between ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’ in generational terms, defining the former in relation to their status as youth, and in antagonistic opposition to an elite, which is depicted as defending a gerontocratic political order. At a theoretical level, the article broadens political science’s conception of populism, by introducing a new subtype of the political phenomenon which demonstrates the importance of intergenerational dynamics in the construction of the discursive categories of ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’. While it argues that Kyagulanyi’s success demonstrates the potential of populism in African countries to electorally challenge incumbent regimes, by helping to build political coalitions across ethno-regional lines, incorporating previously excluded social groups into the political process, it concludes by stressing that Kyagulanyi’s political project has failed to offer any real ideological alternative to the neoliberal orthodoxy that has characterised President Museveni’s Uganda over the last four decades.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43557031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-22DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2245649
C. Darch
ABSTRACT The wave of independence in Africa in the late 1950s and early 1960s, combined with the ‘thaw’ after Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, resulted in renewed Soviet interest after two decades of ignoring African affairs. Newly established diplomatic relations with liberation movements and independent states required the rapid training of middle-level cadres who could report back accurately to Moscow, as the USSR struggled to limit US and European influence in Africa. A volume in Russian of over 400 documents from the 1960s and early 1970s excludes the Arabic-speaking north, but allows readers to understand how intelligence was gathered on the ground by Soviet functionaries attempting to interpret local politics for power centres at home. This review article focuses on the political context in which African expertise was acquired, and analyses three cases from the volume – Ghana, Congo-Léopoldville in crisis, and Namibia in the early struggle for liberation.
{"title":"Soviet intelligence gathering in Africa in the 1960s and early 1970s: a review article","authors":"C. Darch","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2023.2245649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2023.2245649","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The wave of independence in Africa in the late 1950s and early 1960s, combined with the ‘thaw’ after Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, resulted in renewed Soviet interest after two decades of ignoring African affairs. Newly established diplomatic relations with liberation movements and independent states required the rapid training of middle-level cadres who could report back accurately to Moscow, as the USSR struggled to limit US and European influence in Africa. A volume in Russian of over 400 documents from the 1960s and early 1970s excludes the Arabic-speaking north, but allows readers to understand how intelligence was gathered on the ground by Soviet functionaries attempting to interpret local politics for power centres at home. This review article focuses on the political context in which African expertise was acquired, and analyses three cases from the volume – Ghana, Congo-Léopoldville in crisis, and Namibia in the early struggle for liberation.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48106463","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-17DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2246276
Vincent Chenzi, Admire Ndamba
SUMMARY This briefing explores the strategies deployed by informal workers in Harare during Zimbabwe’s Covid-19 lockdown period. It argues that informal workers responded to the lockdown regulations by embracing survival and accumulation strategies which had broader implications for the African continent by ultimately shaping patterns of public health, inequality, authoritarianism and corruption. The briefing provides an example of the consequences when African states unthinkingly imposed unsolicited Covid-19 restrictions that had the unintended effect of devastating a vital part of their economy and with it, the livelihoods of the poorest majority.
{"title":"Surviving the Covid-19 lockdown: Zimbabwe’s informal sector, 2020–2021","authors":"Vincent Chenzi, Admire Ndamba","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2023.2246276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2023.2246276","url":null,"abstract":"SUMMARY This briefing explores the strategies deployed by informal workers in Harare during Zimbabwe’s Covid-19 lockdown period. It argues that informal workers responded to the lockdown regulations by embracing survival and accumulation strategies which had broader implications for the African continent by ultimately shaping patterns of public health, inequality, authoritarianism and corruption. The briefing provides an example of the consequences when African states unthinkingly imposed unsolicited Covid-19 restrictions that had the unintended effect of devastating a vital part of their economy and with it, the livelihoods of the poorest majority.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47243288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2264685
{"title":"Ruth First Prize: Musa Nxele on crony capitalist deals and investment in South Africa’s platinum belt","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2023.2264685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2023.2264685","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135718427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2264684
Leo Zeilig, Chinedu Chukwudinma, Ben Radley
In this section of the journal, we aim to give readers of the print journal a picture of what has been published on Roape.net over the last few months, and invite you to connect and follow the articles, blogposts, authors and debates online. Details of all the blogposts referred to here are in the reference list at the end. We warmly invite all our readers to sign up to the Roape.net newsletter and WhatsApp service at the top of the home page of the website.
{"title":"Connecting people and voices for radical change in Africa","authors":"Leo Zeilig, Chinedu Chukwudinma, Ben Radley","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2023.2264684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2023.2264684","url":null,"abstract":"In this section of the journal, we aim to give readers of the print journal a picture of what has been published on Roape.net over the last few months, and invite you to connect and follow the articles, blogposts, authors and debates online. Details of all the blogposts referred to here are in the reference list at the end. We warmly invite all our readers to sign up to the Roape.net newsletter and WhatsApp service at the top of the home page of the website.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135718426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2270723
Luke Sinwell, Trevor Ngwane, Terri Maggott
ABSTRACTEnergy racism, a brainchild of racial capitalism, systemically excludes the black majority who are denied safe, reliable and clean household energy. It manifests in violent and, sometimes, deadly ways, which are often met with organised resistance from below. Drawing on a case study of Orange Farm, Johannesburg, this article explores the politics of popular resistance to the crisis of neoliberalism and cost recovery. It argues that the macro-sphere of energy production (for example, global coal consumption and Eskom) and the micro-sphere of consumption and resistance intersect within the constraints of a racialised system of capital extraction.RÉSUMÉLe racisme énergétique, fruit du capitalisme racial, exclut de manière systémique la majorité noire, qui se voit refuser une énergie domestique sûre, fiable et propre. Il se manifeste de manière violente et parfois mortelle, et se heurte souvent à une résistance organisée de la base. À partir d’une étude de cas menée à Orange Farm, Johannesburg, nous explorons les politiques de résistance populaire à la crise du néolibéralisme et au recouvrement des coûts. Cet article soutient que la macro-sphère de la production d’énergie (par exemple, la consommation mondiale de charbon et Eskom) et la micro-sphère de la consommation et de la résistance se croisent dans les contraintes d’un système racialisé d’extraction du capital.KEYWORDS: Energy racismracial capitalismcost recoveryEskomload sheddingpeople’s powerMOTS-CLÉS: Racisme énergétiquecapitalisme racialrecouvrement des coûtsEskomdélestagepouvoir du peuple Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Eskom claims that Soweto residents owe up to R18 billion to Eskom for non-payment (see Maggott et al. Citation2022, 68).2 Pseudonyms have been used to protect the identities of participants.Additional informationNotes on contributorsLuke SinwellLuke Sinwell is Project Coordinator at the Centre for Sociological Research and Practice (CSRP), University of Johannesburg, and a Professor of Sociology. His research interests are in social movement research, including participatory democracy, the Marikana strikes of 2012–2014, and popular education.Trevor NgwaneTrevor Ngwane, the Director of CSRP, is a long-time scholar–activist who has contributed to several post-1994 social movements such as the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee (SECC) and Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF). His research interests include indigenous knowledge systems and methodologies of scholar activism. Email address: tngwane@uj.ac.za.Terri MaggottTerri Maggott, a Researcher at CSRP, is an emerging scholar–activist with research interests in feminist politics, higher education, and student movements, particularly Fees Must Fall and the People’s Education Movement of the mid 1980s in South Africa. Email address: terrim@uj.ac.za.
能源种族主义是种族资本主义的产物，它系统性地排斥大多数黑人，因为他们无法获得安全、可靠和清洁的家庭能源。它表现为暴力，有时甚至是致命的方式，经常遭到下层有组织的抵抗。本文以约翰内斯堡的橘子农场为例，探讨了民众对新自由主义危机的抵制和成本回收的政治。它认为，能源生产的宏观领域(例如，全球煤炭消费和Eskom)和消费和抵抗的微观领域在资本提取的种族化系统的约束下交叉。* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *我将看到manifest de maniante violente et parfois mortelle，我将看到heurte souvent unune resacsistance organize de la base。À在约翰内斯堡的奥兰治农场举行的“关于政治与政治与政治与政治与政治与政治与社会与政治与社会与政治与社会与政治与社会与政治与社会与政治与社会与政治与社会与政治与社会与政治与社会与政治与社会与社会与政治与社会与社会之间的关系的危机”的研讨会上。这一条款的内容包括宏观领域的生产和交换(例如，碳和Eskom的世界交换)和微观领域的交换和交换的交换，以及资本的获取。关键词:能源种族主义种族主义资本主义成本回收komload sheddingpeople 's powerMOTS-CLÉS:种族主义的;种族主义的;资本主义的;种族主义的;注1 Eskom声称索韦托居民欠Eskom高达180亿兰特的未付款(见Maggott等人)。Citation2022, 68)。2使用假名是为了保护参与者的身份。作者简介:luke Sinwell，约翰内斯堡大学社会学研究与实践中心(CSRP)项目协调员，社会学教授。他的研究兴趣是社会运动研究，包括参与式民主、2012-2014年的马里卡纳罢工和大众教育。Trevor Ngwane, CSRP主任，是一位长期的学者和活动家，他在1994年后的几个社会运动中做出了贡献，如索韦托电力危机委员会(SECC)和反私有化论坛(APF)。他的研究兴趣包括本土知识体系和学者行动主义方法论。terri Maggott, CSRP研究员，是一位新兴的学者和活动家，研究兴趣是女权主义政治，高等教育和学生运动，特别是学费必须下降和20世纪80年代中期在南非的人民教育运动。邮箱:terrim@uj.ac.za。
{"title":"From energy racism to people’s power: unpacking the electricity crisis and resistance in Orange Farm, Johannesburg","authors":"Luke Sinwell, Trevor Ngwane, Terri Maggott","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2023.2270723","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2023.2270723","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTEnergy racism, a brainchild of racial capitalism, systemically excludes the black majority who are denied safe, reliable and clean household energy. It manifests in violent and, sometimes, deadly ways, which are often met with organised resistance from below. Drawing on a case study of Orange Farm, Johannesburg, this article explores the politics of popular resistance to the crisis of neoliberalism and cost recovery. It argues that the macro-sphere of energy production (for example, global coal consumption and Eskom) and the micro-sphere of consumption and resistance intersect within the constraints of a racialised system of capital extraction.RÉSUMÉLe racisme énergétique, fruit du capitalisme racial, exclut de manière systémique la majorité noire, qui se voit refuser une énergie domestique sûre, fiable et propre. Il se manifeste de manière violente et parfois mortelle, et se heurte souvent à une résistance organisée de la base. À partir d’une étude de cas menée à Orange Farm, Johannesburg, nous explorons les politiques de résistance populaire à la crise du néolibéralisme et au recouvrement des coûts. Cet article soutient que la macro-sphère de la production d’énergie (par exemple, la consommation mondiale de charbon et Eskom) et la micro-sphère de la consommation et de la résistance se croisent dans les contraintes d’un système racialisé d’extraction du capital.KEYWORDS: Energy racismracial capitalismcost recoveryEskomload sheddingpeople’s powerMOTS-CLÉS: Racisme énergétiquecapitalisme racialrecouvrement des coûtsEskomdélestagepouvoir du peuple Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 Eskom claims that Soweto residents owe up to R18 billion to Eskom for non-payment (see Maggott et al. Citation2022, 68).2 Pseudonyms have been used to protect the identities of participants.Additional informationNotes on contributorsLuke SinwellLuke Sinwell is Project Coordinator at the Centre for Sociological Research and Practice (CSRP), University of Johannesburg, and a Professor of Sociology. His research interests are in social movement research, including participatory democracy, the Marikana strikes of 2012–2014, and popular education.Trevor NgwaneTrevor Ngwane, the Director of CSRP, is a long-time scholar–activist who has contributed to several post-1994 social movements such as the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee (SECC) and Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF). His research interests include indigenous knowledge systems and methodologies of scholar activism. Email address: tngwane@uj.ac.za.Terri MaggottTerri Maggott, a Researcher at CSRP, is an emerging scholar–activist with research interests in feminist politics, higher education, and student movements, particularly Fees Must Fall and the People’s Education Movement of the mid 1980s in South Africa. Email address: terrim@uj.ac.za.","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135718428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2270871
Jon Abbink
SUMMARYThis debate piece contains an assessment of the debate on the ‘Pretoria Agreement’ (or Cessation of Hostilities Agreement) concluded on 2 November 2022 regarding the armed conflict in Ethiopia. On the basis of a critical discussion of a paper by F. Gebresenbet and Y. Tariku (2023) published in the Spring issue of the Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE), the author here contests the short-term analysis of the authors, who miss essential points of the wider context of political conflict in Ethiopia and also scholastically misrepresent some other authors in the debate.KEYWORDS: African politicsEthiopiaarmed conflictethno-political tensions Disclosure statementThe author declares no conflict of interest.Notes1 Like the excellent piece by Fitz-Gerald and Segal (Citation2023).2 Already widely known since 2021: see www.worldmedias.net/horn-of-africa-tplf-sympathizers-use-infiltrators-for-its-destabilizing-propaganda-action/. Examples are the systematic TPLF statements on ‘food aid blockade’ and ‘man-made famine’ in Tigray (disproved by the World Food Programme Ethiopia (see Omamo Citation2022); and the ‘Tigray genocide’ meme (disproved by UN-Equality and Human Rights Commission research) and post-war reporting. See also Sheba and Pearce (Citation2022). All this does not mean that Tigray’s population did not gravely suffer in the war (like those of Afar and Amhara regions).3 And the federal government in 2020 seems to have other priorities, like building huge new government palaces; compare Hochet-Bodin Citation2023. In fact, the economy is in dire straits: see www.africaintelligence.com/eastern-africa-and-the-horn/2023/04/11/abiy-ahmed-s-loyal-allies-tasked-with-keeping-the-money-coming,109933716-eve?cxt=PUB&utm_source=AIA&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=AUTO_EDIT_SOM&did=1747468.4 Still in March 2023, a faction of the TPLF led by top cadres/military leaders like Migbe Haile, Getachew Aseffa, Abraha Tesfay and others was holding out and is in a state of armed vigilance (see https://twitter.com/jbirru/status/1635480052186873857). Other TPLF leaders, some of them now in the ‘interim government’ in Tigray, prevaricate on the Pretoria Agreement.5 In this agreement between the ‘senior commanders’ of both the federal army and the TPLF armed forces, it seemed that TPLF disarmament was conditioned on withdrawal of ‘non-ENDF’ forces from the war areas – highly contested.6 A new scandal erupted in June 2023, when it was revealed the massive quantities of humanitarian aid in Tigray were stolen or disappeared – allegedly under TPLF auspices. The entire WFP leadership resigned (https://abren.org/ethiopia-wfp-controversy-leads-to-resignations/). This continued a pattern of food aid theft and diversion by TPLF during the 2020–2022 war (www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Elelx4QLHQ; www.youtube.com/watch?v=n9SjilttgYk&t=3s).7 For the complexity of the issue, see www.hornafricainsight.org/post/welkait-ethiopia-geo-strategic-importance-and-the-consequential-annexation
{"title":"Evaluating the Pretoria Agreement: the limitations of presentist analysis of conflicts in Ethiopia","authors":"Jon Abbink","doi":"10.1080/03056244.2023.2270871","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2023.2270871","url":null,"abstract":"SUMMARYThis debate piece contains an assessment of the debate on the ‘Pretoria Agreement’ (or Cessation of Hostilities Agreement) concluded on 2 November 2022 regarding the armed conflict in Ethiopia. On the basis of a critical discussion of a paper by F. Gebresenbet and Y. Tariku (2023) published in the Spring issue of the Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE), the author here contests the short-term analysis of the authors, who miss essential points of the wider context of political conflict in Ethiopia and also scholastically misrepresent some other authors in the debate.KEYWORDS: African politicsEthiopiaarmed conflictethno-political tensions Disclosure statementThe author declares no conflict of interest.Notes1 Like the excellent piece by Fitz-Gerald and Segal (Citation2023).2 Already widely known since 2021: see www.worldmedias.net/horn-of-africa-tplf-sympathizers-use-infiltrators-for-its-destabilizing-propaganda-action/. Examples are the systematic TPLF statements on ‘food aid blockade’ and ‘man-made famine’ in Tigray (disproved by the World Food Programme Ethiopia (see Omamo Citation2022); and the ‘Tigray genocide’ meme (disproved by UN-Equality and Human Rights Commission research) and post-war reporting. See also Sheba and Pearce (Citation2022). All this does not mean that Tigray’s population did not gravely suffer in the war (like those of Afar and Amhara regions).3 And the federal government in 2020 seems to have other priorities, like building huge new government palaces; compare Hochet-Bodin Citation2023. In fact, the economy is in dire straits: see www.africaintelligence.com/eastern-africa-and-the-horn/2023/04/11/abiy-ahmed-s-loyal-allies-tasked-with-keeping-the-money-coming,109933716-eve?cxt=PUB&utm_source=AIA&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=AUTO_EDIT_SOM&did=1747468.4 Still in March 2023, a faction of the TPLF led by top cadres/military leaders like Migbe Haile, Getachew Aseffa, Abraha Tesfay and others was holding out and is in a state of armed vigilance (see https://twitter.com/jbirru/status/1635480052186873857). Other TPLF leaders, some of them now in the ‘interim government’ in Tigray, prevaricate on the Pretoria Agreement.5 In this agreement between the ‘senior commanders’ of both the federal army and the TPLF armed forces, it seemed that TPLF disarmament was conditioned on withdrawal of ‘non-ENDF’ forces from the war areas – highly contested.6 A new scandal erupted in June 2023, when it was revealed the massive quantities of humanitarian aid in Tigray were stolen or disappeared – allegedly under TPLF auspices. The entire WFP leadership resigned (https://abren.org/ethiopia-wfp-controversy-leads-to-resignations/). This continued a pattern of food aid theft and diversion by TPLF during the 2020–2022 war (www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Elelx4QLHQ; www.youtube.com/watch?v=n9SjilttgYk&t=3s).7 For the complexity of the issue, see www.hornafricainsight.org/post/welkait-ethiopia-geo-strategic-importance-and-the-consequential-annexation","PeriodicalId":47526,"journal":{"name":"Review of African Political Economy","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136329354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2023.2267311
Max Ajl, Habib Ayeb, Ray Bush
ABSTRACTThis article examines recent international financial institution and national government policy in North Africa intended to address the climate emergency. It focuses on the role of the World Bank and general policy trends since the 1970s. These policy trends fail to understand the continuing centrality of small-scale family farming to social reproduction and food production. The article stresses the significance of historical patterns of underdevelopment, and the uneven incorporation of North Africa into global capitalism. An understanding of the longue durée is crucial in understanding why, and how, agrarian transformations have taken the form that they have, and why national sovereign projects and popular struggles offer an alternative strategy to counter imperialism and neo-colonialism. International financial institutions’ preoccupation with policies of mitigation and adaptation to climate change fails to address how poverty is generated and reproduced.RÉSUMÉCet article examine les récentes politiques des institutions financières internationales et des gouvernements nationaux en Afrique du Nord visant à répondre à l’urgence climatique. Il se concentre sur le rôle de la Banque mondiale et sur les tendances politiques depuis les années 1970. Il s’agit d’une politique qui ne comprend pas le rôle central que continue de jouer l’agriculture familiale à petite échelle dans la reproduction sociale et la production alimentaire. L’article souligne l’importance des tendances historiques de sous-développement et l’intégration inégale de l’Afrique du Nord dans le capitalisme mondial. Une compréhension de la longue durée est cruciale pour comprendre pourquoi et comment les transformations agraires ont pris la forme qu’elles ont prise et pourquoi les projets souverains nationaux et les luttes populaires offrent une stratégie alternative pour contrer l’impérialisme et le néocolonialisme. La préoccupation des institutions financières internationales pour les politiques d’atténuation et d’adaptation au changement climatique ne tient pas compte de la manière dont la pauvreté est générée et reproduite.KEYWORDS: Political ecologyclimateagrarian questionsmall-scale farmersWorld BankNorth AfricaMOTS-CLÉS: Écologie politiqueclimatquestion agraireagriculteurs à petite échelleBanque MondialeAfrique du Nord AcknowledgementsThe work in this article was made possible with support from the Supporting Pastoralism and Agriculture in Recurrent and Protracted Crisis (SPARC) Programme funded by the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) of the United Kingdom. The contents are the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinion of the FCDO. Thanks to Dhouha Djerbi and Aymen Amayed for their help with research and data collection.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 We find the methodology of Watts (Citation2013) useful here in taking climate change as an opportunity to bring the ent
摘要本文考察了最近国际金融机构和国家政府在北非旨在应对气候紧急情况的政策。它侧重于世界银行的作用和1970年代以来的一般政策趋势。这些政策趋势未能理解小规模家庭农业对社会再生产和粮食生产的持续中心地位。这篇文章强调了历史上不发达的模式的重要性，以及北非不平衡地融入全球资本主义。理解长期的经济转型对于理解土地转型为什么以及如何采取他们所拥有的形式，以及为什么国家主权项目和人民斗争提供了反帝国主义和新殖民主义的另一种战略是至关重要的。国际金融机构对减缓和适应气候变化政策的关注未能解决贫困的产生和再生产问题。RÉSUMÉCet文章考察了非洲北部地区的政治、机构、金融、国际、政府和国家的经济状况，以及非洲北部地区的经济状况。1970年，世界银行和政治事务委员会将集中于此rôle。我们将继续在我们的家庭农业、小型农业和社会再生产以及食品生产方面开展工作。第1章:“重要的是，在未来的时间里，我们将与其他的人一起，在未来的时间里，我们将与其他的人一起，在未来的时间里，我们将与其他的人一起，在未来的时间里，我们将与其他的人一起，在未来的时间里。”有一种办法，即在综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合、综合。La关注金融机构份倒les政治'attenuation et d 'adaptation盟换向机构的避暑不tient帐户de La方式不拉pauvrete est generee reproduite。关键词:政治生态气候农业问题小农世界银行北方AfricaMOTS-CLÉS: Écologie政治气候问题农业农民小型的农业小型的农业小型的农业)黎巴嫩世界感谢本文的工作得到了由英国外交、联邦和发展部(FCDO)资助的“在经常性和长期危机中支持畜牧和农业(SPARC)计划”的支持。内容是作者的责任，并不一定反映FCDO的意见。感谢Dhouha Djerbi和Aymen Amayed在研究和数据收集方面的帮助。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:我们发现Watts (Citation2013)的方法在将气候变化作为审视整个社会结构的机会方面很有用下面的叙述摘自aj1 (Citation2021)1955年4月18日至24日在印度尼西亚举行的万隆会议是29个亚洲和非洲国家政府的一次会议，除其他事项外，会议讨论了政治自决、主权和不干涉内政的重要性，特别是新独立的非殖民化国家。作者简介max Ajl是根特大学冲突与发展研究系的高级研究员，也是《南方农业》和《劳动与社会杂志》的编辑。他曾为《农民研究杂志》、《全球化》、《非洲政治经济评论》和《中东报告》撰稿。他的研究领域包括气候政治、突尼斯民族解放、阿拉伯地区的农业政治和阿拉伯思想史。他是《人民的绿色新政》(2021)的作者。Habib Ayeb是法国圣德尼巴黎第八大学的地理学家和名誉教授。他目前的研究重点是农业、食品、生态和气候问题。他是突尼斯souverainet、Alimentaire和de l ' environment天文台(OSAE)的联合创始人。他还是一名电影制作人，目前正在执导一部关于气候变化及其对环境影响的纪录片。Ray Bush是利兹大学的名誉教授。他在非洲和近东的政治经济学方面发表了大量文章，是《非洲政治经济学评论》的编辑。
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