Using animate nouns to refer to entities in the world involves a complex interaction of ontology, cognition and language. The present study evaluates two accounts of the use of animate nouns, with Mandarin Chinese as the vehicle for testing between the competing accounts. One account was proposed by Cheng et al. (2008. How universal is the Universal Grinder? In Marjo van Koppen & Bert Botma (eds.), Linguistics in the Netherlands, 50–62. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins). These researchers contend that the count interpretation is basic for Mandarin animate nouns, due to a lexical blocking effect. To access the alternative, mass interpretation requires some kind of pragmatic coercion. A second account was proposed by Pelletier, based on English (1975. Non-Singular reference: Some preliminaries. Philosophia 5(4). 451–465; 2012. Lexical nouns are both +MASS and +COUNT, but they are neither +MASS nor + COUNT. In Diane Massam (ed.), Count and mass across languages, 9–26. Oxford: Oxford University Press). We extend this account to Mandarin animate nouns, proposing that they are encoded in the mental lexicon with both a count sense and a mass sense. To adjudicate between the accounts, we conducted four experiments that were designed to assess the interpretation assigned to animate nouns by Mandarin-speaking children and adults. The experimental conditions manipulated both the syntactic structures of the sentences and the non-linguistic contexts in which those sentences were presented. The experimental findings support our proposal that both mass and count interpretations of animate nouns are available to children and adults when sentences are presented in contexts that are congruent with these interpretations. The findings also suggest that syntactic structure is an even more critical factor in determining the interpretation that is assigned to animate nouns in Mandarin.
{"title":"The interpretation of animate nouns in child and adult Mandarin: from the Universal Grinder to syntactic structure","authors":"Aijun Huang, Xiaomei Zhang, Stephen Crain","doi":"10.1515/ling-2021-0184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0184","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Using animate nouns to refer to entities in the world involves a complex interaction of ontology, cognition and language. The present study evaluates two accounts of the use of animate nouns, with Mandarin Chinese as the vehicle for testing between the competing accounts. One account was proposed by Cheng et al. (2008. How universal is the Universal Grinder? In Marjo van Koppen & Bert Botma (eds.), Linguistics in the Netherlands, 50–62. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins). These researchers contend that the count interpretation is basic for Mandarin animate nouns, due to a lexical blocking effect. To access the alternative, mass interpretation requires some kind of pragmatic coercion. A second account was proposed by Pelletier, based on English (1975. Non-Singular reference: Some preliminaries. Philosophia 5(4). 451–465; 2012. Lexical nouns are both +MASS and +COUNT, but they are neither +MASS nor + COUNT. In Diane Massam (ed.), Count and mass across languages, 9–26. Oxford: Oxford University Press). We extend this account to Mandarin animate nouns, proposing that they are encoded in the mental lexicon with both a count sense and a mass sense. To adjudicate between the accounts, we conducted four experiments that were designed to assess the interpretation assigned to animate nouns by Mandarin-speaking children and adults. The experimental conditions manipulated both the syntactic structures of the sentences and the non-linguistic contexts in which those sentences were presented. The experimental findings support our proposal that both mass and count interpretations of animate nouns are available to children and adults when sentences are presented in contexts that are congruent with these interpretations. The findings also suggest that syntactic structure is an even more critical factor in determining the interpretation that is assigned to animate nouns in Mandarin.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140241272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper uncovers how metaphor forces argument overtness – across languages and parts of speech. It addresses the relationship between semantically unsaturated terms, functors, and the argument terms that complete them. When the component terms’ default senses clash semantically, a metaphor arises. In such cases, the argument must be overt, in contrast to literal uses. It is possible to say Everyone was waiting at the hotel. Finally, Kim arrived. By contrast, people do not use arrived metaphorically without a goal argument: Everything had been pointing to that conclusion all along. *Finally, Kim arrived. What they say is Finally, Kim arrived at it. We illustrate the phenomenon with powerful and diverse evidence: three corpus studies (Indo-Aryan languages, British English, Vera’a) and a sentence-completion experiment with around 250 native speakers of English. Both the corpus studies and the experiment show no or almost no exceptions to metaphor-driven argument overtness. The strength of the effect contrasts with a complete lack of speaker awareness. We propose that metaphor-driven argument overtness – as well as the lack of speaker consciousness – is a universal phenomenon that can be accounted for in terms of human language processing.
本文揭示了隐喻是如何跨语言、跨语篇地迫使论证过度的。它探讨了语义上不饱和的术语、函数和完成它们的参数术语之间的关系。当组成术语的默认意义在语义上发生冲突时，就会产生隐喻。在这种情况下，论据必须是公开的，这与字面用法不同。可以说 Everyone was waiting at the hotel.最后，Kim 到了。相比之下，如果没有目标论证，人们就不会使用 arrived 作隐喻：一直以来，一切都指向这个结论。*最后，金到了。他们说的是终于，金到达了。我们用强大而多样的证据来说明这一现象：三项语料库研究（印度-雅利安语、英国英语、维拉阿语）和一项以英语为母语的约 250 人参加的句子完成实验。语料库研究和实验都表明，隐喻驱动的论证过度性没有或几乎没有例外。这种效应的强度与说话者完全没有意识形成了鲜明对比。我们认为，隐喻驱动的论证过度--以及说话者意识的缺乏--是一种普遍现象，可以用人类语言处理来解释。
{"title":"Metaphor forces argument overtness","authors":"Uta Reinöhl, T. M. Ellison","doi":"10.1515/ling-2021-0072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0072","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper uncovers how metaphor forces argument overtness – across languages and parts of speech. It addresses the relationship between semantically unsaturated terms, functors, and the argument terms that complete them. When the component terms’ default senses clash semantically, a metaphor arises. In such cases, the argument must be overt, in contrast to literal uses. It is possible to say Everyone was waiting at the hotel. Finally, Kim arrived. By contrast, people do not use arrived metaphorically without a goal argument: Everything had been pointing to that conclusion all along. *Finally, Kim arrived. What they say is Finally, Kim arrived at it. We illustrate the phenomenon with powerful and diverse evidence: three corpus studies (Indo-Aryan languages, British English, Vera’a) and a sentence-completion experiment with around 250 native speakers of English. Both the corpus studies and the experiment show no or almost no exceptions to metaphor-driven argument overtness. The strength of the effect contrasts with a complete lack of speaker awareness. We propose that metaphor-driven argument overtness – as well as the lack of speaker consciousness – is a universal phenomenon that can be accounted for in terms of human language processing.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140424141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Binomial expressions (e.g., hocus-pocus; dribs and drabs) are irreversible sequences of two types: reduplicative binomials (e.g., pitter-patter) and conjoined binomials (e.g., wheeling and dealing). Both types exhibit similar phonological features such as rhyme, alliteration and ablaut alternation. The present study investigates English and French speaker preferences for phonological templates in binomials. Elicitation of preferences was carried out using nonsense sequences exemplifying the templates Simple Rhyme (e.g., fiply-biply; fudette-budette), Complex Onset Rhyme (e.g., settip and slettip; ni cougui ni crougi), and Ablaut (e.g., gesky and gosky; fudette-fudotte), which were pitted against each other, e.g., gesky and gosky (Ablaut) versus gesky and glesky (Complex Onset Rhyme). Results of two experiments – the first involving nonce sequences containing disyllabic terms, the second involving nonsense items with monosyllabic constituents – reveal that English speakers prefer Simple Rhyme in items containing disyllabic constituents, and Ablaut for items containing monosyllabic terms. In contrast, French speakers prefer Ablaut in both the disyllabic term and the monosyllabic term conditions. In both experiments, Simple Rhyme is preferred to Complex Onset Rhyme. The experimental results for English align with statistical distributions of phonological templates in the Thun (1963. Reduplicative words in English: A study of formations of the types tick-tick, hurly-burly and shilly-shally. Lund: Carl Bloms) corpus of binomials. Our testing of English and French respondents further reveals that certain preferences are dissimilar across languages. Our findings lead us to propose that constraint rankings for reduplicatives in English and French under Optimality Theory should be sensitive to the number of syllables in constituent terms. In sum, the study of binomial expressions is enhanced by experimental evidence of speakers’ preferences when presented with competing sequencing patterns.
{"title":"Binomials in English and French: ablaut, rhyme and syllable structure","authors":"Viola Green, David Birdsong","doi":"10.1515/ling-2020-0115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0115","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Binomial expressions (e.g., hocus-pocus; dribs and drabs) are irreversible sequences of two types: reduplicative binomials (e.g., pitter-patter) and conjoined binomials (e.g., wheeling and dealing). Both types exhibit similar phonological features such as rhyme, alliteration and ablaut alternation. The present study investigates English and French speaker preferences for phonological templates in binomials. Elicitation of preferences was carried out using nonsense sequences exemplifying the templates Simple Rhyme (e.g., fiply-biply; fudette-budette), Complex Onset Rhyme (e.g., settip and slettip; ni cougui ni crougi), and Ablaut (e.g., gesky and gosky; fudette-fudotte), which were pitted against each other, e.g., gesky and gosky (Ablaut) versus gesky and glesky (Complex Onset Rhyme). Results of two experiments – the first involving nonce sequences containing disyllabic terms, the second involving nonsense items with monosyllabic constituents – reveal that English speakers prefer Simple Rhyme in items containing disyllabic constituents, and Ablaut for items containing monosyllabic terms. In contrast, French speakers prefer Ablaut in both the disyllabic term and the monosyllabic term conditions. In both experiments, Simple Rhyme is preferred to Complex Onset Rhyme. The experimental results for English align with statistical distributions of phonological templates in the Thun (1963. Reduplicative words in English: A study of formations of the types tick-tick, hurly-burly and shilly-shally. Lund: Carl Bloms) corpus of binomials. Our testing of English and French respondents further reveals that certain preferences are dissimilar across languages. Our findings lead us to propose that constraint rankings for reduplicatives in English and French under Optimality Theory should be sensitive to the number of syllables in constituent terms. In sum, the study of binomial expressions is enhanced by experimental evidence of speakers’ preferences when presented with competing sequencing patterns.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140425175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Fragment answers are nonsentential utterances quite pervasive in daily-life dialogues. This article focuses on fragment answers involving a negative dependency expression in Korean. The key question for the analysis of such a negative fragment expression is how to resolve sentential meaning from its non-sentential status. This article argues against sentential approaches that postulate clausal sources together with move-and-delete operations to generate negative fragments. Instead, the article supports a discourse-based direct interpretation analysis that allows negative fragment answers to be directly projected as a full utterance and obtain their propositional meaning by referring to the organized discourse structure in question.
{"title":"Fragment answers with negative dependencies in Korean: a direct interpretation approach","authors":"Jong-Bok Kim","doi":"10.1515/ling-2021-0134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0134","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Fragment answers are nonsentential utterances quite pervasive in daily-life dialogues. This article focuses on fragment answers involving a negative dependency expression in Korean. The key question for the analysis of such a negative fragment expression is how to resolve sentential meaning from its non-sentential status. This article argues against sentential approaches that postulate clausal sources together with move-and-delete operations to generate negative fragments. Instead, the article supports a discourse-based direct interpretation analysis that allows negative fragment answers to be directly projected as a full utterance and obtain their propositional meaning by referring to the organized discourse structure in question.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140437744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The goal of this article is to offer new empirical evidence regarding the grammatical and semantic properties of Italian spatial prepositions, and to provide a theoretical account based on this evidence. We show that Italian has four grammatical types of prepositions (simple, complex, contracted and uncontracted), and three semantic types (geometric, projective and region prepositions). By studying the syntactic distribution of prepositions and the phrases they form with measure phrases (e.g., dieci metri ‘ten meters’) we argue that a non-isomorphic (i.e., not one-to-one) relation between grammatical and semantic type emerges. Region and geometric prepositions form phrases that block the presence of measure phrases (e.g., #dieci metri a fianco del muro ‘ten meters beside the wall’), whereas projective prepositions license them (e.g., dieci metri dietro al muro ‘ten meters behind the wall’). We show that previous accounts postulate a type of symmetry that leads to problematic predictions regarding these patterns. We then propose an alternative account based on the Lexical Syntax framework that models the data via a feature-matching mechanism.
本文旨在就意大利语空间介词的语法和语义特性提供新的实证证据，并在此基础上提供理论解释。我们发现意大利语有四种语法类型的介词（简单、复杂、收缩和非收缩）和三种语义类型的介词（几何介词、投影介词和区域介词）。通过研究介词的句法分布及其与量词短语（如：dieci metri "十米"）组成的短语，我们认为语法类型和语义类型之间存在非同构（即非一对一）关系。区域介词和几何介词构成的短语会阻碍度量短语的出现（如：#dieci metri a fianco del muro 'ten meters beside the wall'），而投影介词则会许可度量短语的出现（如：dieci metri dietro al muro 'ten meters behind the wall'）。我们表明，以前的说法假设了一种对称性，导致对这些模式的预测有问题。然后，我们提出了基于词法句法框架的另一种解释，即通过特征匹配机制对数据进行建模。
{"title":"On Italian spatial prepositions and measure phrases: reconciling the data with theoretical accounts","authors":"Francesco-Alessio Ursini, Tong Wu","doi":"10.1515/ling-2021-0042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0042","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The goal of this article is to offer new empirical evidence regarding the grammatical and semantic properties of Italian spatial prepositions, and to provide a theoretical account based on this evidence. We show that Italian has four grammatical types of prepositions (simple, complex, contracted and uncontracted), and three semantic types (geometric, projective and region prepositions). By studying the syntactic distribution of prepositions and the phrases they form with measure phrases (e.g., dieci metri ‘ten meters’) we argue that a non-isomorphic (i.e., not one-to-one) relation between grammatical and semantic type emerges. Region and geometric prepositions form phrases that block the presence of measure phrases (e.g., #dieci metri a fianco del muro ‘ten meters beside the wall’), whereas projective prepositions license them (e.g., dieci metri dietro al muro ‘ten meters behind the wall’). We show that previous accounts postulate a type of symmetry that leads to problematic predictions regarding these patterns. We then propose an alternative account based on the Lexical Syntax framework that models the data via a feature-matching mechanism.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140437091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The clitic pronoun ne and the functional element de introducing nominal constituents have many nominal and prepositional functions across Romance languages. In this article, we focus on the nominal functions, singling out three different bundles of semantic features that characterize both ne and de. They can denote properties of individual entities, properties of kinds, or predicate properties. The article shows that Catalan ne and de display the three types of denotation, while Italian ne and de only display the first one. This article further supports the hypothesis that the indefinite determiner de can be overt or silent, thereby unifying de-phrases (and the Italian partitive article) with bare nouns. The analysis of de as an indefinite determiner is then extended to adjectival de, which is claimed to mark concord features on adjectives in both Catalan and Italian.
在罗曼语中，引入名词性成分的关系代词 ne 和功能元素 de 具有多种名词性和介词性功能。在本文中，我们将重点讨论名词性功能，挑出三组不同的语义特征，它们都是 ne 和 de 的特征。它们可以表示单个实体的属性、种类的属性或谓词的属性。文章表明，加泰罗尼亚语 ne 和 de 显示了这三种类型的指称，而意大利语 ne 和 de 只显示了第一种类型的指称。本文进一步支持这样的假设，即不定定语 de 可以是显性的或无声的，从而将去定语（和意大利语的偏正定语）与光名词统一起来。然后，将 de 作为不定定语的分析扩展到形容词 de 上，称加泰罗尼亚语和意大利语中的形容词 de 都具有协和特征。
{"title":"On the property-denoting clitic ne and the determiner de/di: a comparative analysis of Catalan and Italian","authors":"M. Espinal, Giuliana Giusti","doi":"10.1515/ling-2022-0084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2022-0084","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The clitic pronoun ne and the functional element de introducing nominal constituents have many nominal and prepositional functions across Romance languages. In this article, we focus on the nominal functions, singling out three different bundles of semantic features that characterize both ne and de. They can denote properties of individual entities, properties of kinds, or predicate properties. The article shows that Catalan ne and de display the three types of denotation, while Italian ne and de only display the first one. This article further supports the hypothesis that the indefinite determiner de can be overt or silent, thereby unifying de-phrases (and the Italian partitive article) with bare nouns. The analysis of de as an indefinite determiner is then extended to adjectival de, which is claimed to mark concord features on adjectives in both Catalan and Italian.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139846163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The clitic pronoun ne and the functional element de introducing nominal constituents have many nominal and prepositional functions across Romance languages. In this article, we focus on the nominal functions, singling out three different bundles of semantic features that characterize both ne and de. They can denote properties of individual entities, properties of kinds, or predicate properties. The article shows that Catalan ne and de display the three types of denotation, while Italian ne and de only display the first one. This article further supports the hypothesis that the indefinite determiner de can be overt or silent, thereby unifying de-phrases (and the Italian partitive article) with bare nouns. The analysis of de as an indefinite determiner is then extended to adjectival de, which is claimed to mark concord features on adjectives in both Catalan and Italian.
在罗曼语中，引入名词性成分的关系代词 ne 和功能元素 de 具有多种名词性和介词性功能。在本文中，我们将重点讨论名词性功能，挑出三组不同的语义特征，它们都是 ne 和 de 的特征。它们可以表示单个实体的属性、种类的属性或谓词的属性。文章表明，加泰罗尼亚语 ne 和 de 显示了这三种类型的指称，而意大利语 ne 和 de 只显示了第一种类型的指称。本文进一步支持这样的假设，即不定定语 de 可以是显性的或无声的，从而将去定语（和意大利语的偏正定语）与光名词统一起来。然后，将 de 作为不定定语的分析扩展到形容词 de 上，称加泰罗尼亚语和意大利语中的形容词 de 都具有协和特征。
{"title":"On the property-denoting clitic ne and the determiner de/di: a comparative analysis of Catalan and Italian","authors":"M. Espinal, Giuliana Giusti","doi":"10.1515/ling-2022-0084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2022-0084","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The clitic pronoun ne and the functional element de introducing nominal constituents have many nominal and prepositional functions across Romance languages. In this article, we focus on the nominal functions, singling out three different bundles of semantic features that characterize both ne and de. They can denote properties of individual entities, properties of kinds, or predicate properties. The article shows that Catalan ne and de display the three types of denotation, while Italian ne and de only display the first one. This article further supports the hypothesis that the indefinite determiner de can be overt or silent, thereby unifying de-phrases (and the Italian partitive article) with bare nouns. The analysis of de as an indefinite determiner is then extended to adjectival de, which is claimed to mark concord features on adjectives in both Catalan and Italian.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139786276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
X0-dependencies are known to be highly local. It has been argued that syntactic head movement can affect locality constraints. While some recent studies have revealed that verbal heads can undergo long-distance movement similar to phrasal movement, nominal categories still appear to adhere to strict locality constraints on head movement. In this context, we examine an exception, the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese, and explore its theoretical implications. We begin by showing that the X0-element suo exhibits a long dependency across every type of clausal boundary in Chinese, including finite ones. By placing suo in a typology that accommodates resumptive pronouns and Romance-type clitics, we highlight the significance of suo’s long dependency. Next, we argue that suo forms a big-DP with the relative operator; since movement of the relative operator has satisfied the locality constraint, according to Richards’ (1998. The Principle of Minimal Compliance. Linguistic Inquiry 29. 599–629) Principle of Minimal Compliance, suo can have a long dependency on its underlying position. This discussion leads us to conclude that the original formulation of the Principle of Minimal Compliance needs reexamination regarding the true meaning of exemption. Once exemption from a locality condition is separated from movement itself, both the initial data for the PMC and the behaviors of suo are accounted for.
众所周知，X0-依赖关系具有高度的局部性。有人认为，句法头的移动会影响位置性限制。虽然最近的一些研究表明，动词词头可以进行类似于短语词头的长距离移动，但名词范畴的词头移动似乎仍然受到严格的位置限制。在这种情况下，我们研究了一个例外--普通话中的 "suo"，并探讨了它的理论意义。我们首先证明，X0 成分 suo 在汉语中的每一种分句边界（包括有限边界）上都表现出长依存性。通过将 suo 放入一个可容纳反身代词和罗曼蒂克类型 clitics 的类型学中，我们强调了 suo 的长依存性的重要性。接下来，我们论证了suo 与相对运算符构成了一个大相对运算符；由于相对运算符的移动满足了位置性约束，根据理查兹（Richards, 1998. The Principle of Minimal Compliance. Linguistic Inquiry 29. 599-629）的 "最小服从原则"（Principle of Minimal Compliance），suo 在其底层位置上可以有长依存关系。以上讨论使我们得出结论，"最低限度遵守原则 "的最初表述需要重新审视豁免的真正含义。一旦将免除位置条件与运动本身分离开来，PMC 的初始数据和 suo 的行为都会得到解释。
{"title":"The particle s\u0000 uo in Mandarin Chinese: a case of long X0-dependency and a reexamination of the Principle of Minimal Compliance","authors":"Yafei Li, Jen Ting","doi":"10.1515/ling-2020-0247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0247","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 X0-dependencies are known to be highly local. It has been argued that syntactic head movement can affect locality constraints. While some recent studies have revealed that verbal heads can undergo long-distance movement similar to phrasal movement, nominal categories still appear to adhere to strict locality constraints on head movement. In this context, we examine an exception, the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese, and explore its theoretical implications. We begin by showing that the X0-element suo exhibits a long dependency across every type of clausal boundary in Chinese, including finite ones. By placing suo in a typology that accommodates resumptive pronouns and Romance-type clitics, we highlight the significance of suo’s long dependency. Next, we argue that suo forms a big-DP with the relative operator; since movement of the relative operator has satisfied the locality constraint, according to Richards’ (1998. The Principle of Minimal Compliance. Linguistic Inquiry 29. 599–629) Principle of Minimal Compliance, suo can have a long dependency on its underlying position. This discussion leads us to conclude that the original formulation of the Principle of Minimal Compliance needs reexamination regarding the true meaning of exemption. Once exemption from a locality condition is separated from movement itself, both the initial data for the PMC and the behaviors of suo are accounted for.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139789801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
X0-dependencies are known to be highly local. It has been argued that syntactic head movement can affect locality constraints. While some recent studies have revealed that verbal heads can undergo long-distance movement similar to phrasal movement, nominal categories still appear to adhere to strict locality constraints on head movement. In this context, we examine an exception, the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese, and explore its theoretical implications. We begin by showing that the X0-element suo exhibits a long dependency across every type of clausal boundary in Chinese, including finite ones. By placing suo in a typology that accommodates resumptive pronouns and Romance-type clitics, we highlight the significance of suo’s long dependency. Next, we argue that suo forms a big-DP with the relative operator; since movement of the relative operator has satisfied the locality constraint, according to Richards’ (1998. The Principle of Minimal Compliance. Linguistic Inquiry 29. 599–629) Principle of Minimal Compliance, suo can have a long dependency on its underlying position. This discussion leads us to conclude that the original formulation of the Principle of Minimal Compliance needs reexamination regarding the true meaning of exemption. Once exemption from a locality condition is separated from movement itself, both the initial data for the PMC and the behaviors of suo are accounted for.
众所周知，X0-依赖关系具有高度的局部性。有人认为，句法头的移动会影响位置性限制。虽然最近的一些研究表明，动词词头可以进行类似于短语词头的长距离移动，但名词范畴的词头移动似乎仍然受到严格的位置限制。在这种情况下，我们研究了一个例外--普通话中的 "suo"，并探讨了它的理论意义。我们首先证明，X0 成分 suo 在汉语中的每一种分句边界（包括有限边界）上都表现出长依存性。通过将 suo 放入一个可容纳反身代词和罗曼蒂克类型 clitics 的类型学中，我们强调了 suo 的长依存性的重要性。接下来，我们论证了suo 与相对运算符构成了一个大相对运算符；由于相对运算符的移动满足了位置性约束，根据理查兹（Richards, 1998. The Principle of Minimal Compliance. Linguistic Inquiry 29. 599-629）的 "最小服从原则"（Principle of Minimal Compliance），suo 在其底层位置上可以有长依存关系。以上讨论使我们得出结论，"最低限度遵守原则 "的最初表述需要重新审视豁免的真正含义。一旦将免除位置条件与运动本身分离开来，PMC 的初始数据和 suo 的行为都会得到解释。
{"title":"The particle s\u0000 uo in Mandarin Chinese: a case of long X0-dependency and a reexamination of the Principle of Minimal Compliance","authors":"Yafei Li, Jen Ting","doi":"10.1515/ling-2020-0247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0247","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 X0-dependencies are known to be highly local. It has been argued that syntactic head movement can affect locality constraints. While some recent studies have revealed that verbal heads can undergo long-distance movement similar to phrasal movement, nominal categories still appear to adhere to strict locality constraints on head movement. In this context, we examine an exception, the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese, and explore its theoretical implications. We begin by showing that the X0-element suo exhibits a long dependency across every type of clausal boundary in Chinese, including finite ones. By placing suo in a typology that accommodates resumptive pronouns and Romance-type clitics, we highlight the significance of suo’s long dependency. Next, we argue that suo forms a big-DP with the relative operator; since movement of the relative operator has satisfied the locality constraint, according to Richards’ (1998. The Principle of Minimal Compliance. Linguistic Inquiry 29. 599–629) Principle of Minimal Compliance, suo can have a long dependency on its underlying position. This discussion leads us to conclude that the original formulation of the Principle of Minimal Compliance needs reexamination regarding the true meaning of exemption. Once exemption from a locality condition is separated from movement itself, both the initial data for the PMC and the behaviors of suo are accounted for.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139849599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses the right node raising construction in Chinese (henceforth the RNR). It aims to provide a novel analysis that can deal with two new observations made in the Chinese RNR construction, including the tone sandhi phenomenon, which provides clues to the syntax of RNR from syntax-prosody mapping, and a syntactic constraint that only arguments, but not adjuncts, may qualify as an RNR target. Based on these new observations, I show that none of the previous analyses of the RNR (mainly in English) are fully adequate in accounting for the RNR in Chinese. An alternative analysis is pursued here. Given the syntactic and syntax-prosodic properties, I propose to analyze the gaps within the coordinated structure in Chinese Right-Node Raising (RNR) by exploring the notion of an empty noun, along with the concept of the True Empty Category. In the RNR construction, the coordinated structure undergoes leftward movement over the RNR target, which is driven by considerations of information structure. As a result, this induces an illusion of rightward movement on the surface.
{"title":"Right node raising in Mandarin Chinese: are we moving right?","authors":"Yuyun Wang","doi":"10.1515/ling-2020-0163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0163","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article discusses the right node raising construction in Chinese (henceforth the RNR). It aims to provide a novel analysis that can deal with two new observations made in the Chinese RNR construction, including the tone sandhi phenomenon, which provides clues to the syntax of RNR from syntax-prosody mapping, and a syntactic constraint that only arguments, but not adjuncts, may qualify as an RNR target. Based on these new observations, I show that none of the previous analyses of the RNR (mainly in English) are fully adequate in accounting for the RNR in Chinese. An alternative analysis is pursued here. Given the syntactic and syntax-prosodic properties, I propose to analyze the gaps within the coordinated structure in Chinese Right-Node Raising (RNR) by exploring the notion of an empty noun, along with the concept of the True Empty Category. In the RNR construction, the coordinated structure undergoes leftward movement over the RNR target, which is driven by considerations of information structure. As a result, this induces an illusion of rightward movement on the surface.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140485336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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