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Government Digital Repression and Political Engagement: A Cross-National Multilevel Analysis Examining the Roles of Online Surveillance and Censorship 政府数字镇压和政治参与:一个跨国多层次的分析,检查在线监视和审查的角色
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.1177/19401612221117106
M. Chan, Jingjing Yi, Dmitry Kuznetsov
Much research has shown that online news engenders greater political participation, but less attention has been paid to how the relationship can be suppressed by government online surveillance and censorship, especially as Internet freedoms continue to decline in many parts of the world. Drawing from 2017–20 World Value Survey and Varieties of Democracy project data, we conducted multilevel analyses across forty-four countries from seven continents that have different political and media systems. Results showed that online news and online surveillance were positively related to political engagement while online censorship was negatively related. Cross-level interactions also showed some support for the informational theory of repression, whereby the relationships among online news, surveillance, and engagement were conditioned at different levels of online censorship. The results suggest that while country-level online surveillance and censorship is highly correlated, varying levels can engender or suppress political engagement in different ways, which have implications for future studies on the dynamics of government digital repression and citizen participation in politics from a global comparative perspective.
许多研究表明,网络新闻可以促进更多的政治参与,但很少有人关注这种关系如何受到政府在线监控和审查的压制,尤其是在世界许多地区互联网自由不断下降的情况下。根据2017 - 2020年世界价值调查和民主多样性项目数据,我们对来自七大洲的44个国家进行了多层次分析,这些国家拥有不同的政治和媒体制度。结果显示,网络新闻和网络监控与政治参与呈正相关,而网络审查与政治参与呈负相关。跨层次互动也显示了对压制信息理论的一些支持,即在线新闻、监视和参与之间的关系受到不同层次的在线审查的制约。结果表明,虽然国家层面的网络监控和审查是高度相关的,但不同的水平可以以不同的方式产生或抑制政治参与,这对未来从全球比较的角度研究政府数字压制和公民政治参与的动态具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 4
Protesting the Protest Paradigm: TikTok as a Space for Media Criticism 抗议抗议范式:TikTok作为媒体批评的空间
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/19401612221117481
Ioana Literat, Lillian Boxman-Shabtai, Neta Kligler-Vilenchik
Though news representations of protest have been studied extensively, little is known about how media audiences critique such representations. Focusing on TikTok as a space for media criticism, this article examines how users employ the app to respond to representations of protest in mainstream news media. Content collected in the spring of 2021 illuminated two very distinct foci of discussion about news representations of protest: the Black Lives Matter movement and the Capitol riot. Our qualitative content analysis of TikTok videos and their related comments demonstrates how users employed TikTok’s creative affordances to dissect specific news representations, critique the media apparatus, and expand news narratives. These findings shed light on the complex role of TikTok as a platform for media criticism—one that can be used for both democratic and non-democratic ends.
尽管人们对抗议的新闻表述进行了广泛的研究,但对媒体受众如何批评这种表述知之甚少。本文将TikTok作为媒体批评的空间,研究用户如何使用该应用程序来回应主流新闻媒体的抗议言论。2021年春季收集的内容揭示了关于抗议新闻报道的两个截然不同的讨论焦点:黑人的命也是命运动和国会骚乱。我们对TikTok视频及其相关评论的定性内容分析表明,用户如何利用TikTok的创造性启示来剖析特定的新闻表现,批评媒体机构,并扩展新闻叙事。这些发现揭示了TikTok作为媒体批评平台的复杂作用,它既可以用于民主目的,也可以用于非民主目的。
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引用次数: 7
The Watchdog Press in the Doghouse: A Comparative Study of Attitudes about Accountability Journalism, Trust in News, and News Avoidance 狗窝里的看门新闻:问责新闻、新闻信任和新闻回避态度的比较研究
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-14 DOI: 10.1177/19401612221112572
Antonis Kalogeropoulos, Benjamin Toff, R. Fletcher
The watchdog role has been one of the most widely discussed normative functions of the press. In this study, we examine the public’s attitudes toward the news media’s watchdog performance and how they correlate with trust in news and news avoidance, two important phenomena for democracy and the health of the public sphere. We further examine how individual predispositions (e.g. political interest, ideology) and contextual variables (e.g. press freedom) moderate these relationships. Based on data from the 2019 Reuters Institute Digital News Report, and controlling for a range of factors, we find that across 38 countries, watchdog performance evaluations are positively associated with trust in news but that they are also positively associated with higher levels of news avoidance. Last, we find that evaluations of media in other functions like helping citizens understand the most important topics of the day and choosing relevant topics were more strongly associated to trust in news and lower news avoidance levels than watchdog performance evaluations.
监督机构的作用一直是新闻界讨论最广泛的规范性职能之一。在这项研究中,我们考察了公众对新闻媒体监督表现的态度,以及它们与对新闻的信任和新闻回避之间的关系,这是民主和公共领域健康的两个重要现象。我们进一步研究了个人倾向(如政治利益、意识形态)和背景变量(如新闻自由)如何调节这些关系。基于《2019年路透社数字新闻报告》的数据,并控制了一系列因素,我们发现,在38个国家,监督机构的绩效评估与对新闻的信任呈正相关,但也与更高水平的新闻回避呈正相关。最后,我们发现,与监督机构的绩效评估相比,对媒体在帮助公民理解当天最重要的话题和选择相关话题等其他功能的评估与对新闻的信任和更低的新闻回避水平更密切相关。
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引用次数: 2
Selective Exposure and New Political Cleavages: Media Use and Ideological Reinforcement Over Time 选择性曝光和新的政治分裂:媒体使用和意识形态的强化
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-11 DOI: 10.1177/19401612221112003
A. Shehata, Mats Ekström, Per Oleskog Tryggvason
New political cleavages are reshaping the political landscape in established democracies. The classic left-right ideological dimension that has structured politics for decades is increasingly challenged by a sociocultural value dimension. At the same time, growing opportunities for media choice open for new forms of selective news exposure along political lines. We argue that previous research has too narrowly focused on traditional ideological cleavages, neglecting the increasingly important sociocultural value dimension of politics. Using four waves of panel survey data collected in Sweden during 2020 and 2021, this study analyses ideological selective exposure, audience composition, and reinforcing spirals across a range of mainstream and alternative news outlets. Findings show (1) that the sociocultural value dimension is more important than the socioeconomic dimension for explaining news choices, (2) that it structures news audiences in uniquely distinct ways, and (3) that these relationships are highly stable over time—reflecting patterns of de facto selective exposure and ideological maintenance, rather than reinforcement. These findings bring new insights to research on selective news exposure, political polarization, and changing ideological cleavages in Western democracies.
新的政治分歧正在重塑老牌民主国家的政治格局。几十年来,经典的左右意识形态维度构成了政治结构,而社会文化价值维度正日益挑战这一维度。与此同时,越来越多的媒体选择机会为沿着政治路线选择性新闻曝光的新形式打开了大门。我们认为,以往的研究过于狭隘地关注传统的意识形态分裂,而忽视了日益重要的政治社会文化价值维度。本研究利用2020年至2021年在瑞典收集的四波小组调查数据,分析了一系列主流和另类新闻媒体的意识形态选择性曝光、受众构成和强化螺旋。研究结果表明:(1)在解释新闻选择时,社会文化价值维度比社会经济维度更重要;(2)它以独特的方式构建新闻受众;(3)这些关系随着时间的推移高度稳定——反映了事实上的选择性曝光和意识形态维持模式,而不是强化模式。这些发现为选择性新闻曝光、政治两极分化和西方民主国家不断变化的意识形态分裂的研究带来了新的见解。
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引用次数: 1
Election Campaigns, News Consumption Gaps, and Social Media: Equalizing Political News Use When It Matters? 竞选活动、新闻消费差距和社交媒体:平衡政治新闻的使用?
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-11 DOI: 10.1177/19401612221112014
Atle Haugsgjerd, Rune Karlsen
We investigate how inequalities in political media use develop throughout election campaigns, and in particular whether social media use helps counterbalance traditional news consumption gaps. Using a four-wave individual-level panel survey of the Norwegian 2017 national election campaign, we run a series of latent growth models to investigate whether differences in news consumption based on gender, age, education, and political interest increase or decrease during campaigns. We find that news consumption gaps are either stable or converge throughout the campaign. Importantly, social media provides political information to those groups that use traditional media channels the least and thereby reduce overall gaps in political media consumption. In this way, election campaigns, to some extent, equalize inequalities in political news consumption when it matters the most.
我们调查了在整个竞选活动中,政治媒体使用的不平等是如何发展的,特别是社交媒体的使用是否有助于抵消传统新闻消费差距。通过对挪威2017年全国大选的四波个人层面的小组调查,我们运行了一系列潜在增长模型,以调查基于性别、年龄、教育程度和政治兴趣的新闻消费差异在竞选期间是增加还是减少。我们发现,在整个竞选过程中,新闻消费差距要么稳定,要么收敛。重要的是,社交媒体向那些最少使用传统媒体渠道的群体提供政治信息,从而减少了政治媒体消费的总体差距。通过这种方式,竞选活动在某种程度上平衡了最重要的政治新闻消费中的不平等。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: The ubiquitous presidency: Presidential communication and digital democracy in tumultuous times by Joshua M. Scacco & Kevin Coe 书评:无处不在的总统:动荡时期的总统沟通和数字民主
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1177/19401612221110741
Jessica Baldwin-Philippi
Joshua Scacco and Kevin Coe’s The Ubiquitous Presidency: Presidential Communication and Digital Democracy in Tumultuous Times presents a wellhistoricized account of how the office of the U.S. presidency and those who have held it since the 1980s have attempted to gain, shift, and navigate attention under changing technological conditions and a changing relationship between audience and speaker. The authors’ framework of the overarching contexts of any ubiquitous presidency (personalization, accessibility, and pluralism) and the particular goals of any presidency in a ubiquitous era (visibility, adaptation, and control) will continue to be useful as the conditions of ubiquity dominate the coming presidencies. While this book certainly influences the study of the presidency and presidential address, it also, thankfully, offers a broader approach that illuminates elements of digital political communication in a wider arena. As the authors argue in their conclusion, it can be extrapolated to better investigate and understand political elites outside of the particular office of the U.S. Presidency. Although the authors give examples of national leaders across a range of countries, I was struck by the potential usefulness of this lens to explore lower-level national office holders in the United States (senators and highprofile members of congress) whose campaigns and administrations have recently harnessed or made use of the conditions of ubiquity. As Coe and Scacco trace the past 30 years of the presidency and shifts in media attention and use by presidents, the historical development of ubiquity is where this book truly shines. By untangling ubiquity from the digital contexts in which we often see the term deployed, Scacco and Coe’s intervention of studying spaces that garner public attention that does not always get defined as “news” and are often not considered political, including The Hollywood Reporter, Consumer Reports, who a president grants a medal of freedom, sports programs, and entertainment programmings like appearances on late-shows or MTV. Impressively, throughout the book, Book Review
约书亚·斯卡科(Joshua Scacco)和凯文·科(Kevin Coe)的《无处不在的总统任期:动荡时代的总统沟通与数字民主》(The Ubiquitous Presidence:Presidential Communication and Digital Democracy in Tumultuous Times,并在不断变化的技术条件和观众与演讲者之间不断变化的关系下引导注意力。作者对任何无处不在的总统任期的总体背景(个性化、可访问性和多元化)以及无处不在时代任何总统任期的特定目标(可见性、适应性和控制力)的框架将继续有用,因为无处不在的条件将主导下一任总统。虽然这本书肯定会影响对总统任期和总统演讲的研究,但值得庆幸的是,它也提供了一种更广泛的方法,在更广泛的领域阐明了数字政治传播的要素。正如作者在结论中所说,可以推断出这一点,以更好地调查和了解美国总统府特定办公室之外的政治精英。尽管作者列举了一系列国家领导人的例子,但我被这个镜头的潜在有用性所打动,它可以探索美国较低级别的国家官员(参议员和知名国会议员),他们的竞选活动和政府最近利用或利用了无处不在的条件。随着科和斯卡科追溯过去30年的总统任期,以及总统对媒体关注和使用的转变,无处不在的历史发展才是这本书真正闪光的地方。Scacco和Coe通过将普遍性与我们经常看到的使用该术语的数字环境分开,对吸引公众关注的空间进行了干预,这些空间并不总是被定义为“新闻”,通常不被视为政治性的,包括《好莱坞报道》、《消费者报告》、,以及娱乐节目,如在晚间节目或MTV上露面。令人印象深刻的是,整本书,书评
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引用次数: 0
Judging Value in a Time of Information Cacophony: Young Adults, Social media, and the Messiness of do-it-Yourself Expertise 在信息不和谐的时代判断价值:年轻人,社交媒体,和自己动手的专业知识的混乱
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/19401612221082074
Kelley Cotter, Kjerstin Thorson
In this paper, we explore U.S. young adults’ strategies for evaluating news and information value within the rapidly changing, increasingly digitalized media environment. We draw on interviews with U.S. young adults conducted between April and November 2020. Based on our findings, we develop the concept of information cacophony to characterize young adults’ experience of the contemporary information environment. Information cacophony is characterized by the jarring noise of many, discordant voices offering up information, under conditions of low media trust and an absence of a pre-defined epistemic hierarchy of sources. We illustrate how the volume and discordance of voices circulating content online makes it difficult for young adults to know what to believe, and show that young peoples’ strategies for evaluating information are deeply entangled with the sociality and emotionality of the experience of information cacophony. We argue that existing theory is not yet well-developed to account for content evaluations and effects resulting from the novel complexities of navigating information cacophony. Existing work remains focused primarily on news exposure and effects, which misses the broader informational context within which young adults find themselves, and evolving strategies for evaluating information.
在本文中,我们探讨了美国年轻人在快速变化、日益数字化的媒体环境中评估新闻和信息价值的策略。我们在2020年4月至11月期间对美国年轻人进行了采访。基于我们的研究结果,我们提出了信息不和谐的概念来描述年轻人对当代信息环境的体验。信息不和谐的特点是,在低媒体信任度和缺乏预先定义的信息来源认知层次的情况下,提供信息的许多不和谐的声音发出刺耳的噪音。我们说明了网络上传播内容的声音的数量和不一致性如何使年轻人难以知道该相信什么,并表明年轻人评估信息的策略与信息不和谐体验的社会性和情绪性深深纠缠在一起。我们认为,现有的理论还没有很好地发展,以说明内容评估和影响,导致导航信息不和谐的新复杂性。现有的工作仍然主要集中在新闻曝光和影响上,而忽略了年轻人发现自己所在的更广泛的信息背景,以及评估信息的不断发展的策略。
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引用次数: 4
How Climate Movement Actors and News Media Frame Climate Change and Strike: Evidence from Analyzing Twitter and News Media Discourse from 2018 to 2021 气候运动参与者和新闻媒体如何构建气候变化和罢工:来自2018年至2021年推特和新闻媒体话语分析的证据
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-19 DOI: 10.1177/19401612221106405
Kaiping Chen, Amanda L. Molder, Zening Duan, Shelley Boulianne, C. Eckart, Prince Mallari, Diyi Yang
Twitter enables an online public sphere for social movement actors, news organizations, and others to frame climate change and the climate movement. In this paper, we analyze five million English tweets posted from 2018 to 2021 demonstrating how peaks in Twitter activity relate to key events and how the framing of the climate strike discourse has evolved over the past three years. We also collected over 30,000 news articles from major news sources in English-speaking countries (Australia, Canada, United States, United Kingdom) to demonstrate how climate movement actors and media differ in their framing of this issue, attention to policy solutions, attribution of blame, and efforts to mobilize citizens to act on this issue. News outlets tend to report on global politicians’ (in)action toward climate policy, the consequences of climate change, and industry's response to the climate crisis. Differently, climate movement actors on Twitter advocate for political actions and policy changes as well as addressing the social justice issues surrounding climate change. We also revealed that conversations around the climate movement on Twitter are highly politicized, with a substantial number of tweets targeting politicians, partisans, and country actors. These findings contribute to our understanding of how people use social media to frame political issues and collective action, in comparison to the traditional mainstream news outlets.
Twitter为社会运动参与者、新闻机构和其他人提供了一个在线公共领域,以构建气候变化和气候运动。在本文中,我们分析了2018年至2021年发布的500万条英文推文,展示了推特活动的高峰与关键事件的关系,以及过去三年气候罢工话语的框架是如何演变的。我们还从英语国家(澳大利亚、加拿大、美国、英国)的主要新闻来源收集了3万多篇新闻文章,以展示气候运动参与者和媒体在这一问题的框架、对政策解决方案的关注、责任归属以及动员公民采取行动的努力方面的差异。新闻媒体倾向于报道全球政治家对气候政策的行动、气候变化的后果以及工业对气候危机的反应。不同的是,推特上的气候运动参与者倡导政治行动和政策变化,以及解决围绕气候变化的社会正义问题。我们还发现,Twitter上围绕气候运动的对话高度政治化,大量推文针对的是政客、党派和国家行动者。与传统的主流新闻媒体相比,这些发现有助于我们理解人们如何使用社交媒体来构建政治问题和集体行动。
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引用次数: 16
Neither Absent nor Ambient: Incidental News Exposure From the Perspective of News Avoiders in the UK, United States, and Spain 既不是缺席也不是环境:从英国、美国和西班牙的新闻回避者视角看偶然新闻曝光
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-09 DOI: 10.1177/19401612221103144
Ruth A. Palmer, Benjamin Toff
Scholars have long argued that incidental news exposure (INE) is a potentially valuable way citizens gain political information and learn about current affairs. Yet growing scholarship on news avoidance suggests many people still manage to consume little news, and algorithmic curation may decrease the likelihood that they will be exposed to it incidentally. In this article, we put the literatures on INE, news avoidance, and political talk into dialogue with one another. Then, by inductively analyzing over a hundred in-depth interviews conducted from 2016 to 2020 with news avoiders in the UK, Spain, and the United States, we explore how they encounter news incidentally and to what extent they feel the news is accessible and available to them. Our audience-centric approach highlights that interviewees often did not make a clear distinction between direct encounters with professional news (“firsthand news”) and discussions of news (“secondhand news”), especially online. When they did make a distinction, the latter was often more salient for them. We also find that just as news consumers have repertoires of news sources on which they habitually rely, news avoiders have repertoires of sources for incidental exposure to news to stay informed about major events and anything that might affect them directly. And yet, those repertoires catch only the biggest and most sensational stories of the day and do little to help them contextualize or understand the news they encounter, contributing to their sense that news is neither entirely absent nor ambient in the way scholars have theorized.
学者们长期以来一直认为,偶然新闻曝光是公民获取政治信息和了解时事的一种潜在的有价值的方式。然而,越来越多的关于新闻回避的学术研究表明,许多人仍然很少消费新闻,而算法策划可能会降低他们偶然接触新闻的可能性。在这篇文章中,我们将有关INE、新闻回避和政治谈话的文献相互对话。然后,通过归纳分析2016年至2020年对英国、西班牙和美国的新闻回避者进行的100多次深入采访,我们探讨了他们是如何偶然遇到新闻的,以及他们在多大程度上觉得新闻对他们来说是可及的。我们以受众为中心的方法强调,受访者往往没有明确区分直接接触专业新闻(“第一手新闻”)和讨论新闻(“二手新闻”),尤其是在网上。当他们做出区分时,后者对他们来说往往更为突出。我们还发现,正如新闻消费者有他们习惯性依赖的新闻来源库一样,新闻回避者也有偶然接触新闻的来源库,以了解重大事件和任何可能直接影响他们的事情。然而,这些剧目只捕捉了当天最重大、最耸人听闻的故事,几乎没有帮助他们将所遇到的新闻背景化或理解,这有助于他们感觉到,新闻既不是完全没有的,也不是学者们所说的环境新闻。
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引用次数: 2
My Voters Should See This! What News Items Are Shared by Politicians on Facebook? 我的选民应该看到这个!政客们在Facebook上分享什么新闻?
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/19401612221104740
Tobias Heidenreich, Jakob-Moritz Eberl, Petro Tolochko, F. Lind, H. Boomgaarden
Political actors play an increasingly important role in the dissemination of political information on social media. However, relatively little is known about the mechanisms why specific news items are shared with the support base instead of others. For a timespan between December 2017 and the end of 2018, we combine the analysis of Facebook content from 1,022 politicians associated with 20 political parties from Germany, Spain, and the UK, with an automated content analysis of media coverage from 22 major online news outlets, and survey data in a multilevel binomial regression approach. By comparing news items that have been shared by one or several political parties with news items that have not been shared by any of them, we overcome the selection biases of previous studies in the field of news dissemination. Findings show that a news item's likelihood to be shared by a politician increases (1) if that politician's party is mentioned in the news item, (2) the more salient their party's owned issues are in the news item, and (3) the more party supporters tend to read the news outlet in which the news item is published. We contextualize these findings in light of political actors’ multi-faceted motivations for news sharing on social media and discuss how this process potentially reinforces an information bias that may contribute to the polarization and fragmentation of audiences.
政治行为者在社交媒体上传播政治信息方面发挥着越来越重要的作用。然而,对于为什么特定的新闻项目是与支持群体而不是其他人共享的机制,我们所知相对较少。在2017年12月至2018年底这段时间内,我们对来自德国、西班牙和英国的20个政党的1022名政客的Facebook内容进行了分析,并对22家主要在线新闻媒体的媒体报道进行了自动内容分析,并采用多层次二项回归方法进行了调查数据。通过比较被一个或几个政党分享的新闻与没有被任何政党分享的新闻,我们克服了以往新闻传播领域研究的选择偏差。研究结果显示,一则新闻被政客分享的可能性增加(1)如果该政客的政党在新闻中被提及,(2)该政党的问题在新闻中越突出,(3)更多的政党支持者倾向于阅读发布该新闻的新闻媒体。我们将这些发现置于政治行为者在社交媒体上分享新闻的多方面动机的背景下,并讨论这一过程如何潜在地强化可能导致受众两极分化和分裂的信息偏见。
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引用次数: 3
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International Journal of Press-Politics
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