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Framing Revolution: Multiframe News Themes in Lebanon’s October 2019 Uprising 框架革命:黎巴嫩2019年10月起义中的多框架新闻主题
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1177/19401612231187831
S. Farhat, Jad Melki
This study examines news framing of partisan media during uprisings. Through mixed methods, it studies the framing of Lebanon’s October 2019 protests, compares frames across political divides, and interprets story themes based on associations between multiple frames. First, the qualitative media framing analysis (MFA) inductively interprets issue-specific frames. Then, the quantitative content analysis deductively examines the developed issue-specific frames and the generic frames across five partisan news channels and tests the relationship between them and across the pro- and anti-protests media. Finally, multiple associated frames are grouped together into news story themes. Results from the MFA reveal six frames: solidarity, head-to-head, individualization, acknowledgment, disruption, and peace through violence frames. The study detected the frequent deployment of the solidarity, conflict, and acknowledgment frames and a significant framing difference between pro- and anti-protest channels. Pro-protest channels more often deployed the solidarity frame, while anti-protest channels more frequently used the conflict, acknowledgment, disruption, and economic consequence frames. Finally, the study developed four story themes based on associations between frames: Blame the protestors or the politicians; protestor violence begets government violence; divided they suffer; and politicians may not only be the culprits but also the solution. The resulting multiframe news themes offer nuanced meaning to generic frames that frequently appear with issue-specific frames and highlight the different roles a singular news frame can play when combined with other frames.
这项研究考察了起义期间党派媒体的新闻框架。通过混合方法,它研究了黎巴嫩2019年10月抗议活动的框架,比较了政治分歧的框架,并根据多个框架之间的关联来解释故事主题。首先,定性媒体框架分析(MFA)归纳解释了特定问题的框架。然后,定量内容分析演绎性地检查了五个党派新闻频道中制定的特定问题框架和通用框架,并测试了它们之间以及支持和反对抗议媒体之间的关系。最后,将多个相关联的框架分组为新闻故事主题。MFA的结果揭示了六个框架:团结、正面交锋、个性化、承认、破坏以及通过暴力实现和平。该研究发现,团结、冲突和承认框架的频繁使用,以及支持和反对抗议渠道之间的显著框架差异。支持抗议的渠道更经常使用团结框架,而反对抗议的渠道则更经常使用冲突、承认、破坏和经济后果框架。最后,这项研究基于框架之间的联系发展了四个故事主题:指责抗议者或政客;抗议者暴力引发政府暴力;他们遭受分裂;政客们可能不仅是罪魁祸首,也是解决问题的办法。由此产生的多框架新闻主题为经常与特定问题框架一起出现的通用框架提供了微妙的意义,并突出了单个新闻框架与其他框架结合时可以发挥的不同作用。
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引用次数: 0
How Loud Does the Watchdog Bark? A Reconsideration of Losing Local Journalism, News Nonprofits, and Political Corruption 看门狗叫得有多大声?重新考虑失去地方新闻业、新闻非营利组织和政治腐败
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/19401612231186939
N. Usher, Sanghoon Kim-Leffingwell
Journalism has long been presumed to serve as a check on the powerful, shedding light on wrongdoing; however, as local newspapers reach market failure, extant theory predicts corruption will go unchecked. We operationalize corruption as federal prosecutions for public corruption (PPCs), defined by the US Department of Justice as crimes involving the abuse of public trust by federal, state, and local public officials. We examine changes in the local news media ecosystems: first, whether declines in local newspaper employment and circulation are associated with changes in PPCs; and second, whether efforts to supplement watchdog journalism with nonprofit journalism might mitigate associated declines in federal PPC. Our findings suggest nonprofit interventions in failing local commercial news markets may be an important safeguard for keeping public officials accountable.
长期以来,新闻业一直被认为是对权贵的制衡,揭露不法行为;然而,随着地方报纸走向市场失灵,现有理论预测腐败将不受遏制。我们将腐败视为联邦对公共腐败的起诉,美国司法部将其定义为涉及联邦、州和地方公职人员滥用公众信任的犯罪。我们考察了当地新闻媒体生态系统的变化:首先,当地报纸就业和发行量的下降是否与PPC的变化有关;其次,用非营利新闻业补充监督新闻业的努力是否可以缓解联邦PPC的相关下降。我们的研究结果表明,非营利组织对失败的当地商业新闻市场的干预可能是追究公职人员责任的重要保障。
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引用次数: 0
The Middle Region Populism of Giorgia Meloni and Matteo Renzi on Instagram Giorgia Meloni和Matteo Renzi在Instagram上的中部地区民粹主义
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/19401612231186938
T. Trillò, G. D. Starita
This paper investigates the Instagram self-presentation of Italian party leaders Giorgia Meloni and Matteo Renzi. Building on the notion that circumstances are crucial to the construction of the self through digital photography, we argue that the two leaders strategically use setting and accompaniment to navigate the demands of their populist self-presentation as “ordinary super leaders”: exceptional celebrity-like personae whose lives remain nonetheless close to those of their constituents. To make our case, we analyze a corpus of images featuring the two leaders posted on their Instagram profiles during 2020 (266 for Meloni and 158 for Renzi). Our findings suggest that Meloni and Renzi alternate and remix celebrity practices of exclusivity, exceptionalism, and everydayness in an attempt to come across as simultaneously extraordinary and ordinary, aspirational and relatable. Inspired by Meyrowitz’s “middle region politics,” we propose the notion of middle region populism to describe how populist leaders leverage the affordances of an image-centric social media platform and the vernacular of internet celebrity to curate an online presence in which they pose as exceptionally charismatic yet ordinary and relatable.
本文研究了意大利政党领导人乔治娅·梅洛尼和马泰奥·伦齐在Instagram上的自我呈现。基于环境对通过数码摄影构建自我至关重要这一概念,我们认为两位领导人策略性地利用环境和陪伴来驾驭他们作为“普通超级领导人”的民粹主义自我表现的需求:非凡的名人般的人物,他们的生活仍然与他们的选民密切相关。为了证明我们的观点,我们分析了2020年两位领导人在他们的Instagram个人资料上发布的图像语料库(梅洛尼266张,伦齐158张)。我们的研究结果表明,梅洛尼和伦齐交替并混合了名人的排他性、例外主义和日常生活,试图同时表现出非凡和普通、有抱负和相关。受Meyrowitz的“中部地区政治”的启发,我们提出了中部地区民粹主义的概念,以描述民粹主义领导人如何利用以形象为中心的社交媒体平台和网络名人的语言来策划一种网络存在,在这种存在中,他们表现得非常有魅力,但又很普通,让人感同身受。
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引用次数: 1
Institutional Trust and Media Use in Times of Cultural Backlash: A Cross-National Study in Nine European Countries 文化反冲时期的制度信任与媒介使用:欧洲9国的跨国研究
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-21 DOI: 10.1177/19401612231187568
Marc Verboord, S. Janssen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, Franziska Marquart
The paper contributes to the study of institutional trust by making a connection to “cultural backlash” theory and analyzing more recent forms of news consumption. We examine how trust in politics, media, and science is shaped by “cultural backlash” and media use in nine European countries. We employ representative survey data collected in 2021 in Croatia, Denmark, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Serbia, Spain, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom as part of a large European research project. The results suggest that both exogenous (or “cultural”) and endogenous (or “institutional”) dimensions of cultural backlash matter for explaining institutional trust. Trust benefits from progressive–liberal values and less ideological extremism, but is hindered by discontentment with societal developments and political disengagement. Using public television is positively, and social media negatively associated with trust. While we find distinctions across institutions, there is huge consistency across countries.
本文结合“文化反弹”理论,分析了近年来的新闻消费形式,为制度信任研究做出了贡献。我们研究了九个欧洲国家的“文化反弹”和媒体使用如何塑造对政治、媒体和科学的信任。作为一个大型欧洲研究项目的一部分,我们使用了2021年在克罗地亚、丹麦、芬兰、法国、荷兰、塞尔维亚、西班牙、瑞士和英国收集的具有代表性的调查数据。研究结果表明,文化反弹的外生(或“文化”)和内生(或“制度”)维度对解释制度信任都很重要。信任受益于进步的自由主义价值观和较少的意识形态极端主义,但因对社会发展的不满和政治脱离而受到阻碍。使用公共电视是积极的,而社交媒体与信任是消极的。虽然我们发现不同机构之间存在差异,但各国之间存在巨大的一致性。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Inside the Local Campaign: Constituency Elections in Canada 书评:《深入地方竞选:加拿大选区选举》
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-21 DOI: 10.1177/19401612231189667
Richard Johnston
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引用次数: 0
Attacks Against Journalists in Brazil: Catalyzing Effects and Resilience During Jair Bolsonaro’s Government 巴西针对记者的袭击:Jair Bolsonaro政府时期的催化作用和韧性
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-06 DOI: 10.1177/19401612231182618
J. V. S. Ozawa, Josephine Lukito, Taeyoung Lee, A. Varma, R. Alves
Attacks on journalists have become a growing concern in democracies around the world. Past scholarship suggests that such attacks could lead to a chilling effect of journalists self-censoring their reporting. However, there is limited empirical work that substantiates the effects of attacks on journalists. To empirically test the existence of chilling effects, this mixed-methods study uses the conditions of journalism under Jair Bolsonaro’s government in Brazil as an exploratory case study. We investigate how attacks ( N = 901) and propaganda messages ( N = 518,853) impacted news coverage ( N = 20,998) in the first two years of Bolsonaro’s government, based on time series analysis and in-depth interviews with journalists ( N = 18). Our results suggest that, despite the increase in government attacks, Brazilian journalists do not exhibit chilling effects; instead, they display what we call catalyzing effects. Our time series results showed that an increase in state propaganda leads to an increase in news coverage. Furthermore, our qualitative data affirms the concept of catalyzing effects. Findings from the interviews suggest that catalyzing effects operate as a form of resilience among journalists. Catalyzing effects do not necessarily manifest as more coverage, but as persistent coverage despite ongoing criticisms and threats (both social and physical). Our findings offer a path forward, highlighting the importance of bringing the discussion about violence and attacks against journalists back to the community of journalists experiencing this hostility. Network support, journalists said, has been crucial, which points to the need for a solidarity infrastructure that supports journalists’ constructive role in society.
袭击记者已成为世界各地民主国家日益关注的问题。过去的研究表明,这种攻击可能会导致记者自我审查报道的寒蝉效应。然而,证实袭击记者的影响的实证工作有限。为了实证检验寒蝉效应的存在,这项混合方法研究使用了巴西Jair Bolsonaro政府时期的新闻业条件作为一项探索性案例研究。我们调查攻击(N = 901)和宣传信息(N = 518853)受影响的新闻报道(N = 20998),基于时间序列分析和对记者的深入采访(N = 18) 。我们的研究结果表明,尽管政府袭击事件有所增加,但巴西记者并没有表现出寒蝉效应;相反,它们显示出我们所说的催化作用。我们的时间序列结果表明,国家宣传的增加会导致新闻报道的增加。此外,我们的定性数据肯定了催化效应的概念。采访结果表明,催化效应是记者恢复力的一种表现形式。催化效应不一定表现为更多的报道,而是持续的报道,尽管存在持续的批评和威胁(包括社会和身体)。我们的调查结果提供了一条前进的道路,强调了将关于暴力和袭击记者的讨论带回经历这种敌意的记者群体的重要性。记者们表示,网络支持至关重要,这表明需要一个支持记者在社会中发挥建设性作用的团结基础设施。
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews: Covering Muslims: American Newspapers in Comparative Perspective Erik Bleich & A. Maurits van der Veen 书评:报道穆斯林:比较视角下的美国报纸Erik Bleich&A.Maurits van der Veen
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-06-16 DOI: 10.1177/19401612231182619
N. Kurnia
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引用次数: 0
More Than Just a Strongman: The Strategic Construction of Viktor Orbán’s Charismatic Authority on Facebook 不仅仅是一个强人:Viktor Orbán在Facebook上的魅力权威的战略构建
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1177/19401612231179120
Julia Sonnevend, Veronika Kövesdi
Populist leaders are often described as “strongmen,” receiving a somewhat two-dimensional Western press coverage that cannot explain their local popularity. Based on visual and textual analysis of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s Facebook, we argue that he has a more complex social media persona. Orbán’s Facebook shows him as (1) a fighter against a variety of enemies, (2) a symbolic condensation of the nation, (3) a relatable politician with (4) a gentleness toward children and animals, and (5) a strong competence in elite political contexts. Orbán uses his charismatic authority on Facebook to draw the boundaries of the Hungarian nation, presenting himself as the iconic representation of “Hungarian-ness.” The building blocks of his image are constantly being adapted to the current political situation and to shifts in public opinion. The Orbán image is, thus, a fluid and pragmatic material with only a few core principles and its popularity remains steadfast despite the brand’s contradictions. Understanding the appeal of Orbán’s self-representation may help us better grasp populist regimes’ variation and success worldwide.
民粹主义领导人经常被描述为“强人”,西方媒体对他们的报道有些二维,无法解释他们在当地的受欢迎程度。根据对匈牙利总理维克托·奥尔班脸书的视觉和文本分析,我们认为他在社交媒体上的形象更为复杂。奥尔班的脸书显示,他(1)是一名对抗各种敌人的斗士,(2)是国家的象征性浓缩,(3)是一位有亲和力的政治家,(4)对儿童和动物很温和,(5)在精英政治环境中有很强的能力。奥尔班利用他在脸书上极具魅力的权威来划定匈牙利国家的边界,将自己塑造成“匈牙利性”的标志性代表。他的形象的基石不断适应当前的政治形势和公众舆论的变化。因此,欧尔班的形象是一种流动而务实的材料,只有几个核心原则,尽管品牌存在矛盾,但它的受欢迎程度仍然很高。了解奥尔班自我代表的吸引力可能有助于我们更好地了解民粹主义政权在世界范围内的变化和成功。
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引用次数: 1
“Minimal” and “Biased”: An Intersectional Analysis of Female Candidates’ Perceptions of Their Local News Coverage “最小”和“有偏见”:女性候选人对当地新闻报道的看法的交叉分析
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/19401612231178755
Andrea Lorenz
This qualitative study analyzes the perceptions of US women political candidates about their local news coverage at a pivotal moment of change in both journalism and electoral politics. Through an intersectional approach, in-depth interviews with thirty-seven women who recently ran for office from 2016 to 2020 revealed findings in two areas of news research: local news declines and gender bias in political news. First, massive declines in local news capacities have trickled into local political communication, which, along with affordances of social media, point to a decline in relevance of local media to local campaigns. Second, participants perceived bias in their news coverage based on an identity intersecting with their gender, partisan affiliation, or both. Their experiences offered two potential ways forward for local news to reattain relevancy in local elections in countries of local news declines: through accountability journalism, and by diversifying staff to meet the needs of a diversifying electoral slate of candidates.
这项定性研究分析了在新闻业和选举政治发生变化的关键时刻,美国女性政治候选人对当地新闻报道的看法。通过交叉方法,对2016年至2020年期间竞选公职的37名女性进行了深入采访,揭示了两个新闻研究领域的发现:地方新闻下降和政治新闻中的性别偏见。首先,地方新闻能力的大幅下降已经渗透到地方政治传播中,再加上社交媒体的支持,表明地方媒体与地方竞选活动的相关性下降。其次,参与者认为他们的新闻报道中存在偏见,这种偏见是基于与他们的性别、党派关系或两者相交叉的身份。他们的经验为地方新闻在地方新闻衰落的国家重新获得地方选举的相关性提供了两种可能的前进方式:通过问责新闻,以及通过使工作人员多样化以满足多样化的选举候选人的需要。
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews: Hate Speech and Polarization in Participatory Society by Marta Pérez-Escolar & José Manuel Noguera-Vivo (Eds.) Marta Pérez Escolar和JoséManuel Noguera Vivo的书评:参与式社会中的仇恨言论和两极分化(编辑)
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1177/19401612231172318
Sílvia Majó-Vázquez
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal of Press-Politics
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