Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1177/19401612231172306
N. Anderson, Aerin Commins, Jenifer Whitten-Woodring
From US President Donald Trump’s Tweet labeling news media “the enemy of the people” to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s establishment of a politically appointed Media Authority, media freedom is under threat in democracies and nondemocracies alike. According to Freedom House, in 2016 media freedom declined globally to its lowest level since 2003, with Europe experiencing the largest regional decrease. We investigate the relationship between government and media in Hungary and Poland and develop a theory that the rise of nationalist sentiment and leaders who leverage this sentiment to encourage censorship from the bottom-up has led to increased media restrictions from the top-down. We posit that bottom-up censorship will erode media credibility and make people more accepting of top-down media restrictions, which could, in turn, lead to nationalism unchecked by the fourth estate. Using a multilevel analysis of World Values Survey, we analyze the relationship between nationalism and media distrust. Using a cross-national time series, we analyze the relationship between nationalist sentiment and media restrictions. We find that increased nationalism is indeed associated with media distrust and media restrictions.
{"title":"Fostering Bottom-Up Censorship From the Top-Down: Nationalism and Media Restrictions","authors":"N. Anderson, Aerin Commins, Jenifer Whitten-Woodring","doi":"10.1177/19401612231172306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231172306","url":null,"abstract":"From US President Donald Trump’s Tweet labeling news media “the enemy of the people” to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s establishment of a politically appointed Media Authority, media freedom is under threat in democracies and nondemocracies alike. According to Freedom House, in 2016 media freedom declined globally to its lowest level since 2003, with Europe experiencing the largest regional decrease. We investigate the relationship between government and media in Hungary and Poland and develop a theory that the rise of nationalist sentiment and leaders who leverage this sentiment to encourage censorship from the bottom-up has led to increased media restrictions from the top-down. We posit that bottom-up censorship will erode media credibility and make people more accepting of top-down media restrictions, which could, in turn, lead to nationalism unchecked by the fourth estate. Using a multilevel analysis of World Values Survey, we analyze the relationship between nationalism and media distrust. Using a cross-national time series, we analyze the relationship between nationalist sentiment and media restrictions. We find that increased nationalism is indeed associated with media distrust and media restrictions.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44256159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1177/19401612231170092
Janet Steele
Radio B92 was an iconic independent media institution in Serbia. Founded in 1989, B92 provided Belgrade listeners with subversive rock music, high-quality journalism, and independent perspectives on politics in the former Yugoslavia. An early adapter to the internet, B92 has been credited with sparking the many demonstrations that took place in Belgrade during the 1990s. While the role of Radio B92 during the turbulent days of the Yugoslav Wars is well known, less known is the role of its first CEO and news director in the creation of what would become the Media Development Investment Fund (MDIF). Drawing on semi-structured interviews with journalists, scholars, funders, diplomats, and media observers conducted in Belgrade in 2022, this study argues that much can be learned from the case of Radio B92 and the short history of independent media in Serbia. Although B92 ultimately met a tragic death at the hands of privatization and “market censorship,” the “impact investment” model of media development it sparked lives on. Combining affordable loan and equity financing with technical assistance and advisory services, MDIF’s model helps struggling news organizations avoid dependency on grants. Although the 2022 reelection of President Aleksandar Vučić demonstrates his party’s successful state capture of Serbian news media, a look back at the case of Radio B92 has implications for the broader question of what works in international media assistance and why.
{"title":"What Can We Learn From the Short History of Independent Media in Serbia? Radio B92, George Soros, and New Models of Media Development","authors":"Janet Steele","doi":"10.1177/19401612231170092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231170092","url":null,"abstract":"Radio B92 was an iconic independent media institution in Serbia. Founded in 1989, B92 provided Belgrade listeners with subversive rock music, high-quality journalism, and independent perspectives on politics in the former Yugoslavia. An early adapter to the internet, B92 has been credited with sparking the many demonstrations that took place in Belgrade during the 1990s. While the role of Radio B92 during the turbulent days of the Yugoslav Wars is well known, less known is the role of its first CEO and news director in the creation of what would become the Media Development Investment Fund (MDIF). Drawing on semi-structured interviews with journalists, scholars, funders, diplomats, and media observers conducted in Belgrade in 2022, this study argues that much can be learned from the case of Radio B92 and the short history of independent media in Serbia. Although B92 ultimately met a tragic death at the hands of privatization and “market censorship,” the “impact investment” model of media development it sparked lives on. Combining affordable loan and equity financing with technical assistance and advisory services, MDIF’s model helps struggling news organizations avoid dependency on grants. Although the 2022 reelection of President Aleksandar Vučić demonstrates his party’s successful state capture of Serbian news media, a look back at the case of Radio B92 has implications for the broader question of what works in international media assistance and why.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46280835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1177/19401612231172315
Georgios Samaras
{"title":"Book Reviews: The Capitol Riots. Digital Media, Disinformation, and Democracy Under Attack by Sandra Jeppesen, Michael Hoechsmann, iowyth hezel ulthiin, David VanDyke, & Miranda McKee (Eds.)","authors":"Georgios Samaras","doi":"10.1177/19401612231172315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231172315","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"1065 - 1066"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43205557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1177/19401612231171265
Xiaomei Sun, Yidong Wang, D. McLeod
Taiwan’s legalization of same-sex marriage in 2019 made it the first nation in Asia to grant marital rights to gay and lesbian couples. In the years leading up to legalization, the Marriage Equality Coalition Taiwan (pro-same-sex marriage) and the Coalition for the Happiness of Our Next Generation (anti-same-sex marriage) mobilized large-scale social movements on social media between 2016 and 2017 to influence the legislative process. The network structure and affordances of digital platforms have facilitated communication and mobilization for social movements. However, new technology alone does not guarantee participation, and cultural aspects of mobilization on digital platforms are an important area of study. This paper examines the framing strategies these two organizations used on Facebook pages and the political and cultural contexts that facilitated or constrained frame alignment. A mixed-method framing analysis combining quantitative and qualitative methods of their Facebook posts revealed that the supporting group framed same-sex marriage as an issue of human rights and as a democratic development linked to Taiwan’s goal of national independence, whereas the opposing group framed it as a destruction of traditional culture concerning family values and social order. Our analysis identified the distinct features of framing strategy in Taiwan’s marriage equality movement and countermovement, including the appeal to nationalism and the downplaying of religion, that were affected by Taiwan’s specific political and cultural contexts.
{"title":"National Independence Versus Traditional Culture: Framing the Same-Sex Marriage Movement and Countermovement in Taiwan","authors":"Xiaomei Sun, Yidong Wang, D. McLeod","doi":"10.1177/19401612231171265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231171265","url":null,"abstract":"Taiwan’s legalization of same-sex marriage in 2019 made it the first nation in Asia to grant marital rights to gay and lesbian couples. In the years leading up to legalization, the Marriage Equality Coalition Taiwan (pro-same-sex marriage) and the Coalition for the Happiness of Our Next Generation (anti-same-sex marriage) mobilized large-scale social movements on social media between 2016 and 2017 to influence the legislative process. The network structure and affordances of digital platforms have facilitated communication and mobilization for social movements. However, new technology alone does not guarantee participation, and cultural aspects of mobilization on digital platforms are an important area of study. This paper examines the framing strategies these two organizations used on Facebook pages and the political and cultural contexts that facilitated or constrained frame alignment. A mixed-method framing analysis combining quantitative and qualitative methods of their Facebook posts revealed that the supporting group framed same-sex marriage as an issue of human rights and as a democratic development linked to Taiwan’s goal of national independence, whereas the opposing group framed it as a destruction of traditional culture concerning family values and social order. Our analysis identified the distinct features of framing strategy in Taiwan’s marriage equality movement and countermovement, including the appeal to nationalism and the downplaying of religion, that were affected by Taiwan’s specific political and cultural contexts.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47109782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-09DOI: 10.1177/19401612231167793
Nicholas Barry
{"title":"Book Review: Democracy Lives in Darkness: How and Why People Keep Their Politics a Secret by Emily Van Duyn","authors":"Nicholas Barry","doi":"10.1177/19401612231167793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231167793","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"716 - 718"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46435534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1177/19401612231167791
Kostiantyn Yanchenko, Alona Shestopalova, Gerret von Nordheim, Katharina Kleinen-von Königslöw
In transitional democracies, the boundary work of defining journalism and through this, ousting certain media actors as illegitimate and threatful to national security and/or democratic stability can hold a particular urgency. This article considers the sanctions against three Russia-affiliated TV channels by the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council adopted in February 2021 – and the ensuing public debate on this decision – as a particularly informative case of such boundary work. Using thematic analysis of materials from Ukrainian news sites and TV talk shows, the article maps out how media regulators and representatives of the sanctioned and non-sanctioned media outlets competed over the authority to define the boundaries of legitimate journalism in Ukraine amid growing security threats. The findings show that the regulator labeled the sanctioned TV channels as “parasites of journalism,” situated within the Ukrainian media system, yet functioning in the interest of a foreign state. In turn, the sanctioned media actors styled themselves as repressed opposition media, attacking both regulators and non-sanctioned media for undemocratic intervention and a lack of professional solidarity, respectively. Lastly, non-sanctioned media actors have largely supported the sanction decision and detached from the sanctioned actors’ self-legitimation discourse. The study contributes to the literature on boundary work in journalism and showcases how a novel theory of parasites of journalism can enhance the analysis of complex discourses surrounding antagonistic media actors, including in non-Western contexts.
{"title":"“Repressed Opposition Media” or “Tools of Hybrid Warfare”? Negotiating the Boundaries of Legitimate Journalism in Ukraine Prior to Russia's Full-Scale Invasion","authors":"Kostiantyn Yanchenko, Alona Shestopalova, Gerret von Nordheim, Katharina Kleinen-von Königslöw","doi":"10.1177/19401612231167791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231167791","url":null,"abstract":"In transitional democracies, the boundary work of defining journalism and through this, ousting certain media actors as illegitimate and threatful to national security and/or democratic stability can hold a particular urgency. This article considers the sanctions against three Russia-affiliated TV channels by the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council adopted in February 2021 – and the ensuing public debate on this decision – as a particularly informative case of such boundary work. Using thematic analysis of materials from Ukrainian news sites and TV talk shows, the article maps out how media regulators and representatives of the sanctioned and non-sanctioned media outlets competed over the authority to define the boundaries of legitimate journalism in Ukraine amid growing security threats. The findings show that the regulator labeled the sanctioned TV channels as “parasites of journalism,” situated within the Ukrainian media system, yet functioning in the interest of a foreign state. In turn, the sanctioned media actors styled themselves as repressed opposition media, attacking both regulators and non-sanctioned media for undemocratic intervention and a lack of professional solidarity, respectively. Lastly, non-sanctioned media actors have largely supported the sanction decision and detached from the sanctioned actors’ self-legitimation discourse. The study contributes to the literature on boundary work in journalism and showcases how a novel theory of parasites of journalism can enhance the analysis of complex discourses surrounding antagonistic media actors, including in non-Western contexts.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42831728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1177/19401612221112029
J. Freeman, B. Hutchins
This article presents an in-depth case study of large-scale conflict in a small town, and reveals the complex ways that community groups and activism, hyperlocal news media, and political power intersect through rural environmental disputes. An important but under-recognized feature of such conflicts is the unique role performed by notions of rurality in the construction of environmental protests, discourses, and decisions; that is, the ways in which rural communities’ conservation efforts can be unfairly characterized as “backwards” and “anti-development”. Through a series of interviews and focus groups with protestors and residents, our case study examines a controversial boat ramp development that had a marked environmental impact on the isolated coastal town of Mallacoota (population 1,000) in the state of Victoria, Australia. We show that the environmental activism of protesters lifted the issue's visibility to the level of regional, state, and national news and politics. But the community consultation processes that occurred in response to protests raise significant concerns about government decision making that fails to acknowledge and negotiate the diverse understandings of place and rurality that exist within a community. The outcomes of struggles for power in this small town are lamentable and lasting, damaging the hyperlocal news environment and undermining the community newspaper's reputation among citizens.
{"title":"Power Struggles in a Small Town Community: The Intersection of Rural Environmental Protest, Politics, and Hyperlocal News Media","authors":"J. Freeman, B. Hutchins","doi":"10.1177/19401612221112029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221112029","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents an in-depth case study of large-scale conflict in a small town, and reveals the complex ways that community groups and activism, hyperlocal news media, and political power intersect through rural environmental disputes. An important but under-recognized feature of such conflicts is the unique role performed by notions of rurality in the construction of environmental protests, discourses, and decisions; that is, the ways in which rural communities’ conservation efforts can be unfairly characterized as “backwards” and “anti-development”. Through a series of interviews and focus groups with protestors and residents, our case study examines a controversial boat ramp development that had a marked environmental impact on the isolated coastal town of Mallacoota (population 1,000) in the state of Victoria, Australia. We show that the environmental activism of protesters lifted the issue's visibility to the level of regional, state, and national news and politics. But the community consultation processes that occurred in response to protests raise significant concerns about government decision making that fails to acknowledge and negotiate the diverse understandings of place and rurality that exist within a community. The outcomes of struggles for power in this small town are lamentable and lasting, damaging the hyperlocal news environment and undermining the community newspaper's reputation among citizens.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"434 - 454"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43068589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.1177/19401612231161279
Hui Jia
{"title":"Book Review: News Hole: The Demise of Local Journalism and Political Engagement by Danny Hayes and Jennifer L. Lawless","authors":"Hui Jia","doi":"10.1177/19401612231161279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231161279","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"714 - 715"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48025622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-27DOI: 10.1177/19401612231158770
Sumitra Badrinathan, Simon Chauchard
Fact-checks and corrections of falsehoods have emerged as effective ways to counter misinformation online. But in contexts with encrypted messaging applications (EMAs), corrections must necessarily emanate from peers. Are such social corrections effective? If so, how substantiated do corrective messages need to be? To answer these questions, we evaluate the effect of different types of social corrections on the persistence of misinformation in India ([Formula: see text]5,100). Using an online experiment, we show that social corrections substantially reduce beliefs in misinformation, including in beliefs deeply anchored in salient group identities. Importantly, these positive effects are not systematically attenuated by partisan motivated reasoning, highlighting a striking difference from Western contexts. We also find that the presence of a correction matters more relative to how sophisticated this correction is: substantiating a correction with a source only improves its effect in a minority of cases; besides, when social corrections are effective, citing a source does not drastically improve the size of their effect. These results have implications for both users and platforms and speak to countering misinformation in developing countries that rely on private messaging apps.
{"title":"“I Don’t Think That’s True, Bro!” Social Corrections of Misinformation in India","authors":"Sumitra Badrinathan, Simon Chauchard","doi":"10.1177/19401612231158770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231158770","url":null,"abstract":"Fact-checks and corrections of falsehoods have emerged as effective ways to counter misinformation online. But in contexts with encrypted messaging applications (EMAs), corrections must necessarily emanate from peers. Are such social corrections effective? If so, how substantiated do corrective messages need to be? To answer these questions, we evaluate the effect of different types of social corrections on the persistence of misinformation in India ([Formula: see text]5,100). Using an online experiment, we show that social corrections substantially reduce beliefs in misinformation, including in beliefs deeply anchored in salient group identities. Importantly, these positive effects are not systematically attenuated by partisan motivated reasoning, highlighting a striking difference from Western contexts. We also find that the presence of a correction matters more relative to how sophisticated this correction is: substantiating a correction with a source only improves its effect in a minority of cases; besides, when social corrections are effective, citing a source does not drastically improve the size of their effect. These results have implications for both users and platforms and speak to countering misinformation in developing countries that rely on private messaging apps.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42451282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-22DOI: 10.1177/19401612231157655
Chung-hong Chan, Hartmut Wessler, Marc Jungblut, Kasper Welbers, Scott L. Althaus, Joseph W. Bajjalieh, Wouter van Atteveldt
Recent terrorist attacks such as the Christchurch mosque attacks in 2019 renew the discussion of whether right-wing attacks are reported less negatively than Islamist attacks. To clarify this point, our study is the first to combine the selection of media inside and outside the West with a distinction between Islamist and right-wing attacks. We compare coverage given to thirty-two right-wing and forty Islamist attacks from 2015 to 2019 in nine Western and eight non-Western English-language media outlets, tapping the differential use of the “terrorist/terrorism” label and textual sentiment. Both (many) Western and (some) non-Western media use this label more frequently in the coverage of Islamist attacks. Importantly, public diplomacy channels from non-Western countries such as China Daily and Sputnik also demonstrate this pattern. Delegitimizing Islamist attacks more than right-wing attacks thus cannot be explained as merely a Western phenomenon alone. We point to alternative explanations and call for greater standardization of coverage across Islamist and right-wing attacks.
{"title":"Challenging the Global Cultural Conflict Narrative: An Automated Content Analysis on How PerPetrator Identity Shapes Worldwide News Coverage of Islamist and Right-Wing Terror Attacks","authors":"Chung-hong Chan, Hartmut Wessler, Marc Jungblut, Kasper Welbers, Scott L. Althaus, Joseph W. Bajjalieh, Wouter van Atteveldt","doi":"10.1177/19401612231157655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231157655","url":null,"abstract":"Recent terrorist attacks such as the Christchurch mosque attacks in 2019 renew the discussion of whether right-wing attacks are reported less negatively than Islamist attacks. To clarify this point, our study is the first to combine the selection of media inside and outside the West with a distinction between Islamist and right-wing attacks. We compare coverage given to thirty-two right-wing and forty Islamist attacks from 2015 to 2019 in nine Western and eight non-Western English-language media outlets, tapping the differential use of the “terrorist/terrorism” label and textual sentiment. Both (many) Western and (some) non-Western media use this label more frequently in the coverage of Islamist attacks. Importantly, public diplomacy channels from non-Western countries such as China Daily and Sputnik also demonstrate this pattern. Delegitimizing Islamist attacks more than right-wing attacks thus cannot be explained as merely a Western phenomenon alone. We point to alternative explanations and call for greater standardization of coverage across Islamist and right-wing attacks.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49203056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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