Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/19401612221143074
Gilles Bastin
A large corpus of scientific literature details how the media generates an imbalance in their portrayal of society and thus contributes to the reproduction of extant power structures, particularly gender. However, there has been scant attention paid to understanding how the media adapt to changes in the social environment, especially with power structures modified by exogenous shocks such as new laws requiring gender parity in politics. This study examines how such shocks affected gender imbalance in the coverage of politics in France between 1990 and 2020. It highlights the shortcomings of an overly linear approach to the time lag effect in understanding the parameters and substance of gender imbalance in political news and advocates instead for utilizing the concept of gender imbalance hysteresis to understand why media stories do not demasculinize as quickly as the gender composition of Parliament.
{"title":"Gender Imbalance in the Media: Time Lag or Hysteresis?—French Newspapers, Gender Parity Shocks, and the Long and Winding Road to the Demasculinization of Political Reporting (1990–2020)","authors":"Gilles Bastin","doi":"10.1177/19401612221143074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221143074","url":null,"abstract":"A large corpus of scientific literature details how the media generates an imbalance in their portrayal of society and thus contributes to the reproduction of extant power structures, particularly gender. However, there has been scant attention paid to understanding how the media adapt to changes in the social environment, especially with power structures modified by exogenous shocks such as new laws requiring gender parity in politics. This study examines how such shocks affected gender imbalance in the coverage of politics in France between 1990 and 2020. It highlights the shortcomings of an overly linear approach to the time lag effect in understanding the parameters and substance of gender imbalance in political news and advocates instead for utilizing the concept of gender imbalance hysteresis to understand why media stories do not demasculinize as quickly as the gender composition of Parliament.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47065194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-25DOI: 10.1177/19401612221141315
Martín Echeverría, R. González, Víctor Hugo Reyna
Since Hallin and Mancini's (2004) seminal work, many scholars from around the world have proposed different models of media systems for countries and regions outside the Western world. Particular challenges have arisen when conceptualizing the systems in Latin America, where shifting liberal and polarized pluralist models have been proposed, and where media traits like clientelism and collusion remain in spite of political, economic and social changes. We contend that one obstacle to the characterization of the resilience of certain structures and practices in this region is the lack of a historical perspective to account for specific processes of media modernization. Drawing on the multiple modernization paradigm, as well as on post-colonial theories, system differentiation theories of the Global South, and theories of uneven regional development, we understand Latin American modernization processes as the appropriation, adaptation, or rejection of certain elements of Western institutions, ideals and values. In media systems, this might produce: (a) centralization of power, (b) a struggle between elites, (c) state-driven differentiation, and (d) regional or local subsystems. Our historical perspective aims to explain the prevalence of several media structures, and show how institutional legacies yield core media traits, in order to pave the way for further model inference.
自Hallin and Mancini(2004)的开创性工作以来，世界各地的许多学者针对西方世界以外的国家和地区提出了不同的媒介系统模型。当对拉丁美洲的制度进行概念化时，出现了特殊的挑战，在拉丁美洲，已经提出了不断变化的自由主义和两极分化的多元主义模式，尽管政治、经济和社会发生了变化，但仍然存在诸如庇护主义和勾结等媒体特征。我们认为，对该地区某些结构和做法的复原力进行表征的一个障碍是缺乏解释媒体现代化具体进程的历史观点。借鉴多元现代化范式，以及后殖民理论、全球南方的系统分化理论和区域不平衡发展理论，我们将拉美现代化进程理解为对西方制度、理想和价值观的某些要素的挪用、适应或拒绝。在媒体系统中，这可能会产生:(a)权力集中，(b)精英之间的斗争，(c)国家驱动的分化，以及(d)区域或地方子系统。我们的历史视角旨在解释几种媒体结构的流行，并展示制度遗产如何产生核心媒体特征，以便为进一步的模型推断铺平道路。
{"title":"Bringing History back into Media Systems Theory. Multiple Modernities and Institutional Legacies in Latin America","authors":"Martín Echeverría, R. González, Víctor Hugo Reyna","doi":"10.1177/19401612221141315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221141315","url":null,"abstract":"Since Hallin and Mancini's (2004) seminal work, many scholars from around the world have proposed different models of media systems for countries and regions outside the Western world. Particular challenges have arisen when conceptualizing the systems in Latin America, where shifting liberal and polarized pluralist models have been proposed, and where media traits like clientelism and collusion remain in spite of political, economic and social changes. We contend that one obstacle to the characterization of the resilience of certain structures and practices in this region is the lack of a historical perspective to account for specific processes of media modernization. Drawing on the multiple modernization paradigm, as well as on post-colonial theories, system differentiation theories of the Global South, and theories of uneven regional development, we understand Latin American modernization processes as the appropriation, adaptation, or rejection of certain elements of Western institutions, ideals and values. In media systems, this might produce: (a) centralization of power, (b) a struggle between elites, (c) state-driven differentiation, and (d) regional or local subsystems. Our historical perspective aims to explain the prevalence of several media structures, and show how institutional legacies yield core media traits, in order to pave the way for further model inference.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45885910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.1177/19401612221138198
A. Hermida
Editor’s Note: C.W. Anderson, one of the authors of the book reviewed here, serves as an Associate Editor for the journal. Book reviews for the journal are managed solely by the Book Reviews Editor and the Editor-in-Chief, and thus Dr Anderson was not involved in commissioning, editing, or deciding whether to publish this review. For future reference, we have updated our submission guidelines to clarify that we will not commission nor publish reviews of any books authored or coauthored by the journal’s Editor-in-Chief, Associate Editors, Book Reviews Editor, or Managing Editor.
{"title":"Book Review: The Journalism Manifesto by Barbie Zelizer, Pablo J. Boczkowski, & C. W. Anderson","authors":"A. Hermida","doi":"10.1177/19401612221138198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221138198","url":null,"abstract":"Editor’s Note: C.W. Anderson, one of the authors of the book reviewed here, serves as an Associate Editor for the journal. Book reviews for the journal are managed solely by the Book Reviews Editor and the Editor-in-Chief, and thus Dr Anderson was not involved in commissioning, editing, or deciding whether to publish this review. For future reference, we have updated our submission guidelines to clarify that we will not commission nor publish reviews of any books authored or coauthored by the journal’s Editor-in-Chief, Associate Editors, Book Reviews Editor, or Managing Editor.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"461 - 463"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42277023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.1177/19401612221132527
D. Muller
{"title":"Book Review: The Routledge Companion to Political Journalism by James Morrison, Jen Birks, and Mike Berry","authors":"D. Muller","doi":"10.1177/19401612221132527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221132527","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"326 - 327"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46903378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.1177/19401612221132643
Rodney Tiffen
In 1976, I was living in Singapore doing a research project on Western foreign correspondents in Southeast Asia. One of my interviewees was James Fu, who deftly combined the roles of Lee Kwan Yew’s press secretary with being news director at the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation. He spent mornings in the Prime Minister’s office and afternoons at the TV studio. He was an early embodiment of the theme of this book Spin Dictators. Guriev and Treisman argue that over the last generation the earlier “fear dictators” who intimidated their citizens through violence and sought total control have been increasingly supplanted by dictators using more sophisticated control measures. Their examples include Singapore’s pioneering Lee, Russia’s Putin, Peru’s Fujimori, Venezuela’s Chavez, Malaysia’s Mahathir Mohamed and his successors, Hungary’s Orban, and Turkey’s Erdogan. The rich array of examples under these and other rulers are complemented by quantitative data on different regime types, including for example numbers of political prisoners and political killings. The move from fear to spin dictators is very much a result of—and in turn a driver of —what they call “the modernisation cocktail.” It reflects the changing political dynamics in a postindustrial society. Whereas fear dictators aim to intimidate their citizens and often publicly parade their violence in suppressing dissent; spin dictators aim to encourage affection and respect. They are more likely to conceal or camouflage any violence. Rather than instilling fear, they place a higher priority on projecting their competence, and ability to advance the country. Whereas fear dictators sought total and obvious censorship spin dictators aim for “sensible censorship,” with a much lighter, less publicly visible touch and more sophisticated means of surveillance. Many have moved from censoring the media to coopting them, seeking celebrity endorsements, or staging international sporting events. Book Review
{"title":"Book Review: Spin Dictators: The Changing Face of Tyranny in the 21st Century by Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman","authors":"Rodney Tiffen","doi":"10.1177/19401612221132643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221132643","url":null,"abstract":"In 1976, I was living in Singapore doing a research project on Western foreign correspondents in Southeast Asia. One of my interviewees was James Fu, who deftly combined the roles of Lee Kwan Yew’s press secretary with being news director at the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation. He spent mornings in the Prime Minister’s office and afternoons at the TV studio. He was an early embodiment of the theme of this book Spin Dictators. Guriev and Treisman argue that over the last generation the earlier “fear dictators” who intimidated their citizens through violence and sought total control have been increasingly supplanted by dictators using more sophisticated control measures. Their examples include Singapore’s pioneering Lee, Russia’s Putin, Peru’s Fujimori, Venezuela’s Chavez, Malaysia’s Mahathir Mohamed and his successors, Hungary’s Orban, and Turkey’s Erdogan. The rich array of examples under these and other rulers are complemented by quantitative data on different regime types, including for example numbers of political prisoners and political killings. The move from fear to spin dictators is very much a result of—and in turn a driver of —what they call “the modernisation cocktail.” It reflects the changing political dynamics in a postindustrial society. Whereas fear dictators aim to intimidate their citizens and often publicly parade their violence in suppressing dissent; spin dictators aim to encourage affection and respect. They are more likely to conceal or camouflage any violence. Rather than instilling fear, they place a higher priority on projecting their competence, and ability to advance the country. Whereas fear dictators sought total and obvious censorship spin dictators aim for “sensible censorship,” with a much lighter, less publicly visible touch and more sophisticated means of surveillance. Many have moved from censoring the media to coopting them, seeking celebrity endorsements, or staging international sporting events. Book Review","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"323 - 325"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44639633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-19DOI: 10.1177/19401612221132729
Erik Bleich, Amelia Pollard, A. M. van der Veen
We demonstrate how sociological theories of discursive opportunity structures illuminate key elements of US and French media coverage of Black Lives Matter (BLM) in France. Fundamental discursive differences between the two countries shape the visibility, resonance, and legitimacy of claims made on behalf of racially identified groups. A textual analysis of thirty-five articles from each country that discuss BLM and France published between 2015 and 2020 reveals that the US journalists commonly identify BLM activists as members of marginalized communities, interpret French circumstances as similar to the racial dynamics found in the United States, critique France's “republican” model of citizenship, and are relatively positively disposed toward BLM activity in France. By comparison, French coverage largely eschews identifying actors by racial identities, avoids or rejects comparisons with the United States, and at times contains implicit or explicit valorization of the French color-blind republican model, with some authors casting BLM as a product of the excesses of the American system. Our findings demonstrate the relevance of discursive opportunity structure theories to comparative media analysis, suggesting that coverage of race-based movements abroad may respond to different dynamics than coverage within the United States.
{"title":"Looking in the Mirror: US and French Coverage of Black Lives Matter in France","authors":"Erik Bleich, Amelia Pollard, A. M. van der Veen","doi":"10.1177/19401612221132729","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221132729","url":null,"abstract":"We demonstrate how sociological theories of discursive opportunity structures illuminate key elements of US and French media coverage of Black Lives Matter (BLM) in France. Fundamental discursive differences between the two countries shape the visibility, resonance, and legitimacy of claims made on behalf of racially identified groups. A textual analysis of thirty-five articles from each country that discuss BLM and France published between 2015 and 2020 reveals that the US journalists commonly identify BLM activists as members of marginalized communities, interpret French circumstances as similar to the racial dynamics found in the United States, critique France's “republican” model of citizenship, and are relatively positively disposed toward BLM activity in France. By comparison, French coverage largely eschews identifying actors by racial identities, avoids or rejects comparisons with the United States, and at times contains implicit or explicit valorization of the French color-blind republican model, with some authors casting BLM as a product of the excesses of the American system. Our findings demonstrate the relevance of discursive opportunity structure theories to comparative media analysis, suggesting that coverage of race-based movements abroad may respond to different dynamics than coverage within the United States.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"344 - 361"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46289487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-16DOI: 10.1177/19401612221132719
Gerrit Philipps
Political actors in negotiations often face the challenge of contradictory logics of discreet compromise-building on the one hand and generating media publicity to enhance transparency and gain public support on the other. This paper examines how members of parliament (MPs) handle this dilemma within intra-coalition parliamentary negotiations that are essential for legislative decision-making. By referring to the mediatization approach, the concept of self-mediatization of political negotiation systems is introduced to theoretically capture politicians’ self-initiated media publications regarding negotiations and associated changes in their negotiation behavior. It is hypothesized that the self-mediatization of negotiations is influenced by negotiators’ general tendency to seek media attention as well as situational pressures and incentives. The hypotheses were tested with a factorial survey among German state-level MPs ( n = 258) using experimental vignettes. Results show that both individual and situational factors affect parliamentarians’ tendency to publicly communicate about negotiations and consequently negotiate in a more news-media-logic-compatible, that is, more conflictual, manner. However, since the surveyed MPs on average show a high willingness to agree with their coalition partner on the explicit secrecy of negotiations, independent of the influencing parameters examined, self-mediatization does not seem to be an existential threat to the intra-coalition compromise-building capacity of parliamentary negotiation systems.
{"title":"Compromise-Building in the Spotlight of the Media? Individual and Situational Influences on the Self-Mediatization of Parliamentary Negotiations","authors":"Gerrit Philipps","doi":"10.1177/19401612221132719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221132719","url":null,"abstract":"Political actors in negotiations often face the challenge of contradictory logics of discreet compromise-building on the one hand and generating media publicity to enhance transparency and gain public support on the other. This paper examines how members of parliament (MPs) handle this dilemma within intra-coalition parliamentary negotiations that are essential for legislative decision-making. By referring to the mediatization approach, the concept of self-mediatization of political negotiation systems is introduced to theoretically capture politicians’ self-initiated media publications regarding negotiations and associated changes in their negotiation behavior. It is hypothesized that the self-mediatization of negotiations is influenced by negotiators’ general tendency to seek media attention as well as situational pressures and incentives. The hypotheses were tested with a factorial survey among German state-level MPs ( n = 258) using experimental vignettes. Results show that both individual and situational factors affect parliamentarians’ tendency to publicly communicate about negotiations and consequently negotiate in a more news-media-logic-compatible, that is, more conflictual, manner. However, since the surveyed MPs on average show a high willingness to agree with their coalition partner on the explicit secrecy of negotiations, independent of the influencing parameters examined, self-mediatization does not seem to be an existential threat to the intra-coalition compromise-building capacity of parliamentary negotiation systems.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42998250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-13DOI: 10.1177/19401612221132716
Ozan Aşık
What role does political ideology play in the production of news in a contentious cultural context? To address this question, this article investigates how Turkish Islamic conservative journalists produced and circulated representations of two dramatic uprisings in 2013: the Gezi Park protests in Turkey and the military coup in Egypt. I chose these two cases because the Islamic political bias and activism that shaped the production of news about these two events are symptomatic of the way in which Islamism as a political ideology instrumentalizes news making. Based on newsroom ethnography conducted at an Islamic national mainstream television channel in Turkey between 2011 and 2014, the article demonstrates how Islamism shapes the ways in which Islamic conservative journalists interpreted and articulated the two events in the newsroom, and represented them in news coverage. In this context, journalistic practice gains an ideological character when the journalists utilize journalistic representations as strategic instruments to advance the political agenda of Islamic conservatives against secular forces in Turkey. As the polarization between Islamic and secular groups is based on cultural distinctions, I argue that the political ideology determining journalistic practices is defined not only by party affiliations or socioeconomic class positions but also by the common cultural ways of living and thinking of journalists who work and live as members of a sociocultural group. Islamic ideology serves as a social cement that creates bonds among the IslamicTV journalists as a sociocultural group, and a degree of unity and common purpose in their professional practices.
{"title":"Ideology, Polarization, and News Culture: The Secular-Islamist Tension in Turkish Journalism","authors":"Ozan Aşık","doi":"10.1177/19401612221132716","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221132716","url":null,"abstract":"What role does political ideology play in the production of news in a contentious cultural context? To address this question, this article investigates how Turkish Islamic conservative journalists produced and circulated representations of two dramatic uprisings in 2013: the Gezi Park protests in Turkey and the military coup in Egypt. I chose these two cases because the Islamic political bias and activism that shaped the production of news about these two events are symptomatic of the way in which Islamism as a political ideology instrumentalizes news making. Based on newsroom ethnography conducted at an Islamic national mainstream television channel in Turkey between 2011 and 2014, the article demonstrates how Islamism shapes the ways in which Islamic conservative journalists interpreted and articulated the two events in the newsroom, and represented them in news coverage. In this context, journalistic practice gains an ideological character when the journalists utilize journalistic representations as strategic instruments to advance the political agenda of Islamic conservatives against secular forces in Turkey. As the polarization between Islamic and secular groups is based on cultural distinctions, I argue that the political ideology determining journalistic practices is defined not only by party affiliations or socioeconomic class positions but also by the common cultural ways of living and thinking of journalists who work and live as members of a sociocultural group. Islamic ideology serves as a social cement that creates bonds among the IslamicTV journalists as a sociocultural group, and a degree of unity and common purpose in their professional practices.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48873350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1177/19401612221123243
Vincent Huang, Xueqing Li
Studies on the “protest paradigm” have long explored how a society's mass media system frames the social movements occurring within that society. This study adopts a social movement diffusion perspective to sharpen the transborder dimension of the protest paradigm. Specifically, we introduce the concept of the “diffusion-proofing” protest paradigm, given that an understudied and undertheorized function of the protest paradigm is the prevention of the import of exogenous social movements. Taking the Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement as an example, we investigate how mainland China's mass media acted to prevent movement diffusion. Four transborder components of the diffusion-proofing protest paradigm are proposed: reactions, attributions, consequences, and solutions. Through content analysis, we argue that by highlighting these transborder components, China's newspapers attributed the movement's rise to foreign intervention, emphasized the movement's negative effects on both Hong Kong and mainland China, and revealed the uncompromising nature of China's reaction and the urgency of cross-border cooperation for containing the movement and its diffusion. Further, we identify two modes of reporting: a mainly descriptive mode that relied on a local framework to depict the movement and its local context and an evaluative mode that emphasized the level of deviance and foreign intervention, thus amplifying the movement's transborder effects and the need to prevent its diffusion. Notably, the level of deviance acts as a mediating channel between the two modes, transforming the local framework into a transborder one. The diffusion-proofing protest paradigm is also found to vary across media types and periods.
{"title":"Diffusion-Proofing Protest Paradigm: Mass Media and China's Prevention of Social Movement Spillover During the Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement","authors":"Vincent Huang, Xueqing Li","doi":"10.1177/19401612221123243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221123243","url":null,"abstract":"Studies on the “protest paradigm” have long explored how a society's mass media system frames the social movements occurring within that society. This study adopts a social movement diffusion perspective to sharpen the transborder dimension of the protest paradigm. Specifically, we introduce the concept of the “diffusion-proofing” protest paradigm, given that an understudied and undertheorized function of the protest paradigm is the prevention of the import of exogenous social movements. Taking the Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement as an example, we investigate how mainland China's mass media acted to prevent movement diffusion. Four transborder components of the diffusion-proofing protest paradigm are proposed: reactions, attributions, consequences, and solutions. Through content analysis, we argue that by highlighting these transborder components, China's newspapers attributed the movement's rise to foreign intervention, emphasized the movement's negative effects on both Hong Kong and mainland China, and revealed the uncompromising nature of China's reaction and the urgency of cross-border cooperation for containing the movement and its diffusion. Further, we identify two modes of reporting: a mainly descriptive mode that relied on a local framework to depict the movement and its local context and an evaluative mode that emphasized the level of deviance and foreign intervention, thus amplifying the movement's transborder effects and the need to prevent its diffusion. Notably, the level of deviance acts as a mediating channel between the two modes, transforming the local framework into a transborder one. The diffusion-proofing protest paradigm is also found to vary across media types and periods.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48937626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-08DOI: 10.1177/19401612221117470
Yingda Lu, Jack Schaefer, Kunwoo Park, Jungseock Joo, Jennifer Pan
Government censorship—internet shutdowns, blockages, firewalls—impose significant barriers to the transnational flow of information despite the connective power of digital technologies. In this paper, we examine whether and how information flows across borders despite government censorship. We develop a semi-automated system that combines deep learning and human annotation to find co-occurring content across different social media platforms and languages. We use this system to detect co-occurring content between Twitter and Sina Weibo as Covid-19 spread globally, and we conduct in-depth investigations of co-occurring content to identify those that constitute an inflow of information from the global information ecosystem into China. We find that approximately one-fourth of content with relevance for China that gains widespread public attention on Twitter makes its way to Weibo. Unsurprisingly, Chinese state-controlled media and commercialized domestic media play a dominant role in facilitating these inflows of information. However, we find that Weibo users without traditional media or government affiliations are also an important mechanism for transmitting information into China. These results imply that while censorship combined with media control provide substantial leeway for the government to set the agenda, social media provides opportunities for non-institutional actors to influence the information environment. Methodologically, the system we develop offers a new approach for the quantitative analysis of cross-platform and cross-lingual communication.
{"title":"How Information Flows from the World to China","authors":"Yingda Lu, Jack Schaefer, Kunwoo Park, Jungseock Joo, Jennifer Pan","doi":"10.1177/19401612221117470","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221117470","url":null,"abstract":"Government censorship—internet shutdowns, blockages, firewalls—impose significant barriers to the transnational flow of information despite the connective power of digital technologies. In this paper, we examine whether and how information flows across borders despite government censorship. We develop a semi-automated system that combines deep learning and human annotation to find co-occurring content across different social media platforms and languages. We use this system to detect co-occurring content between Twitter and Sina Weibo as Covid-19 spread globally, and we conduct in-depth investigations of co-occurring content to identify those that constitute an inflow of information from the global information ecosystem into China. We find that approximately one-fourth of content with relevance for China that gains widespread public attention on Twitter makes its way to Weibo. Unsurprisingly, Chinese state-controlled media and commercialized domestic media play a dominant role in facilitating these inflows of information. However, we find that Weibo users without traditional media or government affiliations are also an important mechanism for transmitting information into China. These results imply that while censorship combined with media control provide substantial leeway for the government to set the agenda, social media provides opportunities for non-institutional actors to influence the information environment. Methodologically, the system we develop offers a new approach for the quantitative analysis of cross-platform and cross-lingual communication.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48310397","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：