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‘The memory of persecution is in our blood’: documenting loyalties, identities and motivations to political action in the Ugandan Pentecostal Movement “迫害的记忆在我们的血液中”:记录乌干达五旬节派运动中政治行动的忠诚、身份和动机
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x2200009x
Barbara Bompani
Abstract Much attention has been paid to the growth of Pentecostal-charismatic Christianity in Uganda and the way it has shifted over the past decades from being a minority religion to influencing and shaping the Ugandan public and political spheres. Most of the literature, however, associates the Pentecostal-charismatic dynamic public action with its motivation to promote conservative Christian values, especially around issues of sexuality, HIV/AIDS, reproduction and family values. This article extends this literature by providing a fuller explanation for the reasons behind its public transformation and its relation to power, in particular its loyalty to and support for President Museveni. Drawing on participant observation and interviews conducted over several years, this article argues that along with theological and moral explanations, it is important to understand how local and contextual dynamics interplay. Indeed, the uncertainties and memories of the difficult origins of the Pentecostal-charismatic movement and the lack of legal recognition as fully registered churches, still impact on the present and motivate them to be catalytic socio-political actors in need of forging strong connections with centres of power in Museveni's Uganda.
摘要人们非常关注五旬节派魅力基督教在乌干达的发展,以及它在过去几十年中从一个少数宗教转变为影响和塑造乌干达公共和政治领域的方式。然而,大多数文献都将五旬节派富有魅力的动态公共行动与其宣传保守的基督教价值观的动机联系在一起,尤其是在性、艾滋病毒/艾滋病、生殖和家庭价值观等问题上。本文对这篇文献进行了扩展,更全面地解释了其公共转型背后的原因及其与权力的关系,特别是其对穆塞韦尼总统的忠诚和支持。根据参与者多年来的观察和采访,本文认为,除了神学和道德解释外,了解当地和环境动态如何相互作用是很重要的。事实上,五旬节派魅力运动艰难起源的不确定性和记忆,以及作为完全注册的教会缺乏法律承认,仍然影响着现在,并激励他们成为催化性的社会政治行动者,需要与穆塞韦尼统治下的乌干达的权力中心建立强有力的联系。
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引用次数: 0
The Oxford Handbook of the African Sahel by Leonardo A. Villalón Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021. Pp. 832. $165.00 (hbk). 《非洲萨赫勒牛津手册》,作者:莱昂纳多·a·Villalón牛津:牛津大学出版社,2021年。832页。165.00美元(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X2200026X
B. Cooper
almost disoriented. This is a book perhaps most useful to not start at the beginning and read cover to cover, but to start at the back, with the excellent index, for a more targeted approach. ‘Citizenship in Africa’ is not a book to be enjoyed once and put back on the shelf; it is a book that should be within easy reach time and time again as a vital reference and resource. Indeed, reading these books together is an exercise of complementarity and connection. Both Manby and Pailey bring together rich, detailed data from very different sources to cover an underexplored topic within African politics scholarship, with numerous extensions and directions for future exploration. Yet their scope and scale are often almost oppositional at times. The contrast within their discussions of naturalisation is instructive here. Manby provides numerous examples detailing the variation and often obstacle-ridden naturalisation policies within African countries as well as outlining the relative lack of naturalisation across the continent (–). In her conclusion she argues that naturalisation should be ‘brought in from the arbitrary cold’, with more attention to streamlining and expanding naturalisation policy as an integral part of citizenship policy reform. Contrast this with Pailey’s discussion of naturalisation as ‘betrayer and betrayed’ (–), full of fraught and emotional recountings of diaspora Liberians weighing strategic naturalisation in the so-called Global North (and thus having their Liberian citizenship revoked) as well as often rejecting naturalisation because they did not want to betray Liberia and their fellow citizens. Naturalisation as a policy prescription worthy of reform and attention within one approach; naturalisation as contested and complicated personal and community act of identity and claims-making on the other. Both accounts offer invaluable insights into the nuances and complexities of citizenship policy and lived experience. Together, if explorations of African citizenship are a lens through which to understand how national family histories may be ‘unhappy’ in their own particular ways, Citizenship in Africa and Development, (Dual) Citizenship, and Its Discontents in Africa are incredibly rich kaleidoscopes, offering invaluable, and incredibly different, illuminations of the diversity and ongoing disputes over citizenship and belonging.
几乎迷失了方向。这本书最好不要从头开始,一页一页地读,而是从后面开始,带着优秀的索引,更有针对性地阅读。《非洲公民》不是一本看完就放回书架的书;这本书应该作为重要的参考和资源,一次又一次地触手可及。事实上,一起阅读这些书是一种互补和联系的练习。Manby和Pailey都汇集了来自不同来源的丰富、详细的数据,涵盖了非洲政治学术中一个未被充分探索的话题,并为未来的探索提供了许多扩展和方向。然而,它们的范围和规模有时几乎是相反的。他们在归化问题上的对比在这里很有启发意义。曼比提供了许多例子,详细说明了非洲国家内部的变化和经常充满障碍的归化政策,并概述了整个大陆相对缺乏归化的情况(-)。在她的结论中,她认为归化应该“从武断的冷漠中引入”,更多地关注简化和扩大归化政策,作为公民政策改革的一个组成部分。与此形成对比的是,佩利关于入籍的讨论是“背叛者和被背叛者”(-),其中充满了对散居海外的利比里亚人在所谓的全球北方权衡战略性入籍(因此他们的利比里亚公民身份被撤销)以及经常拒绝入籍的令人担忧和情感的叙述,因为他们不想背叛利比里亚和他们的同胞。归化作为一种值得改革和关注的政策处方;归化是有争议的和复杂的个人和社区的身份和要求的行为。这两篇文章都对公民政策和生活经验的细微差别和复杂性提供了宝贵的见解。总之,如果对非洲公民身份的探索是一个镜头,通过它可以理解国家家庭历史如何以自己的特定方式“不快乐”,那么非洲公民身份与发展,(双重)公民身份及其在非洲的不满是一个令人难以置信的丰富的万花筒,为公民身份和归属的多样性和持续的争议提供了宝贵的,令人难以置信的不同的启发。
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引用次数: 0
MOA volume 60 issue 4 Cover and Back matter MOA第60卷第4期封面和封底
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000532
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引用次数: 0
When do women win in legally plural systems? Evidence from Ghana and Senegal 在法律多元体系中,女性什么时候会获胜?来自加纳和塞内加尔的证据
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000325
E. Hern
Abstract Africa's plural legal systems are often doubly bad for women: reinforcing patriarchal threads in indigenous practices while layering male-dominated Anglo-European laws atop. While these systems generally work to their detriment, women are sometimes able to take advantage of them. Under what conditions are women able to ‘win’ in Africa's plural legal systems? I examine women's interactions with the plural colonial court systems in the Gold Coast and Senegal. Based on an analysis of original court records in each country, I argue that women are more likely to win in plural legal systems in areas of operational ambiguity where applicable legal principles are contradictory. Leveraging this ambiguity enabled women in the Gold Coast and Senegal to win rights around inheritance and divorce, respectively. These victories were codified post-independence, though women face social pressures against exercising them.
非洲的多元法律体系对女性往往是双重不利的:在本土实践中强化了父权制的脉络,同时又将男性主导的盎格鲁-欧洲法律置于首位。虽然这些制度通常对她们不利,但女性有时能够利用它们。在什么条件下,女性能够在非洲的多元法律体系中“获胜”?我研究了女性与黄金海岸和塞内加尔多元殖民法院系统的互动。基于对每个国家原始法庭记录的分析,我认为,在适用法律原则相互矛盾的操作模糊领域,女性更有可能在多元法律体系中获胜。利用这种模糊性,黄金海岸和塞内加尔的女性分别赢得了继承权和离婚权。这些胜利在独立后被写入法律,尽管女性面临着反对行使这些胜利的社会压力。
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引用次数: 0
Explaining region creation conflicts in Ghana 解释加纳的地区创造冲突
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000374
D. Penu
ABSTRACT For the first time in its history, Ghana held a referendum in 2018 to divide some of its regions to create new ones. Though the regions are purely administrative, the division faced resistance in some areas and not in others. This study combines qualitative comparative analysis with process tracing to show that the resistance occurred within regions with relatively high support for the opposition party, but only in the combined presence of (traditional) elites competing from either side of the region and controversies regarding claims to (traditional) political authority. Further, it finds a bottom-up mechanism of the resistance, evolving as the threatened interests of stakeholders grew from the community to the regional, national and diaspora levels. As in other African cases, this suggests that the sources of conflicts in Africa are not so much about ethnic differences but more about elites’ unequal access to political and economic resources.
2018年,加纳历史上首次举行全民公投,将部分地区划分为新地区。虽然这些地区纯粹是行政性质的,但这种划分在一些地区遇到了阻力,而在另一些地区则没有。本研究将定性比较分析与过程追踪相结合,表明抵抗发生在反对党支持率相对较高的地区,但只有在该地区双方(传统)精英竞争和(传统)政治权威主张争议并存的情况下。此外,它还发现了一种自下而上的抵抗机制,随着利益相关者的利益受到威胁从社区发展到地区、国家和侨民层面而演变。与其他非洲案例一样,这表明非洲冲突的根源与其说是种族差异,不如说是精英阶层对政治和经济资源的不平等获取。
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting EU–Africa Relations in a Changing World edited by Valeria Fargion & Mamoudou Gazibo Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2021. Pp. 304. $155 (hbk). Valeria Fargion和Mamoudou Gazibo Cheltenham编辑的《在不断变化的世界中重新审视欧盟-非洲关系》:Edward Elgar,2021。第304页$155(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000271
M. Langan
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引用次数: 0
Revolutionary populism and democracy in Ghana 加纳的革命民粹主义和民主
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000337
J. Haynes
ABSTRACT The article examines two decades of Jerry Rawlings’ rule in Ghana. It seeks to explain why Rawlings’ revolutionary populism did not develop in the direction that he envisaged: a new kind of popular democracy. Instead, Rawlings oversaw the reintroduction of Ghana's popularly preferred political system: ‘Western-style’ multi-party democracy, despite his avowed intention of not doing so. To what extent was this outcome surprising or puzzling? The article explains that it was neither surprising nor puzzling as Rawlings’ regime, the PNDC, lacked the capacity to introduce a radical new political system, despite his desire to do so. His aim – to craft a new kind of popular democracy – was not achievable as both internal and external opposition forces were stronger in their desire for multi-party democracy and a neo-liberal economic system.
摘要本文考察了杰里·罗林斯在加纳统治的二十年。它试图解释为什么罗林斯的革命民粹主义没有朝着他设想的方向发展:一种新的大众民主。相反,罗林斯监督了加纳普遍偏好的政治制度的重新引入:“西方式”多党民主,尽管他公开表示不这么做。这一结果在多大程度上令人惊讶或困惑?文章解释说,这既不令人惊讶,也不令人困惑,因为罗林斯的政权PNDC缺乏引入激进新政治制度的能力,尽管他希望这样做。他的目标——创造一种新的大众民主——是不可能实现的,因为国内外反对势力对多党民主和新自由主义经济体系的渴望都更强烈。
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引用次数: 1
Locked in, logged out: pandemic and ride-hailing in South Africa and Kenya 锁定,退出:南非和肯尼亚的疫情和网约车
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000234
Mohammad Amir Anwar, Elly Otieno, Malte Stein
Abstract This article examines the impact of the pandemic on ride-hailing drivers and their mitigation strategies during lockdown in Africa. Ride-hailing has emerged as one of the latest paid-work opportunities for the continent's many unemployed. Yet, ride-hailing companies such as Uber and Bolt misclassify drivers to avoid regulation and responsibilities towards workers’ welfare. Drawing on 34 in-depth interviews with ride-hailing drivers, driver representatives and trade unions in South Africa and Kenya, this article makes two arguments. First, the gig economy in Africa provides work opportunities for the unemployed on the continent and simultaneously vitiates the working conditions through the commodification and informalisation of work. Second, the state-directed emergency measures act as a veneer to capital's efforts to commodify labour and the gig economy platforms have emerged as primary tools for it. Our account points to an urgent need for better regulatory systems to hold platform companies accountable and a collective bargaining mechanism in the gig economy.
摘要本文探讨了疫情对叫车司机的影响及其在非洲封锁期间的缓解策略。对于非洲大陆的许多失业者来说,叫车已经成为最新的带薪工作机会之一。然而,优步(Uber)和博尔特(Bolt)等叫车公司错误地将司机分类,以逃避监管和对工人福利的责任。本文通过对南非和肯尼亚约车司机、司机代表和工会的34次深入采访,提出了两个论点。首先,非洲的零工经济为非洲大陆的失业者提供了工作机会,同时通过工作的商品化和信息化破坏了工作条件。其次,国家指导的紧急措施是资本将劳动力商品化努力的幌子,零工经济平台已成为其主要工具。我们的报告指出,迫切需要更好的监管体系来追究平台公司的责任,并在零工经济中建立集体谈判机制。
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引用次数: 1
Telling ruins: the afterlives of an early post-independence development intervention in Lake Victoria, Tanzania 讲述废墟:坦桑尼亚维多利亚湖独立后早期发展干预的后遗症
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000180
Y. Gez, Marie-Aude Fouéré, Fabian Bulugu
ABSTRACT In the early 1960s, three pilot agricultural and settlement schemes were set up along the shores of Lake Victoria in the north-western region of Tanzania with the involvement of Israeli development agency Agridev. One of these sites was Mbarika, where the experimental project ran for three years and had mixed results before being discontinued by the young Tanzanian government. This article explores the story of that scheme and its long-term legacies some 50 years on. Unpacking the representational and material ruinations that outlived the project's official timeline, we examine the memories and rumours that continue to haunt the site to this day and their entanglement with successive development experiences and shifting political ideologies. Through interviews, ethnographic observations and archival research, we shed light on the complex, deeply ambiguous legacies and ‘afterlives’ of a development intervention set between expectations of modernity and a sense of exclusion.
摘要20世纪60年代初,在以色列发展机构阿格里德夫的参与下,坦桑尼亚西北部维多利亚湖畔建立了三个农业和定居点试点计划。其中一个地点是姆巴里卡,该实验项目在那里进行了三年,结果喜忧参半,后来被年轻的坦桑尼亚政府叫停。这篇文章探讨了该计划的故事及其50年后的长期遗产。我们揭开了该项目官方时间表之外的代表性和物质性破坏,审视了至今仍困扰着该网站的记忆和谣言,以及它们与连续的发展经历和不断变化的政治意识形态的纠缠。通过访谈、民族志观察和档案研究,我们揭示了介于对现代性的期望和排斥感之间的发展干预的复杂、极为模糊的遗产和“后遗症”。
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引用次数: 1
‘Resilience without development’ in a remote rural West African community: the case of Kayima, Sierra Leone 西非偏远农村社区的“没有发展的韧性”:以塞拉利昂卡伊玛为例
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000179
T. Binns, Jerram P Bateman
Abstract Relatively few longitudinal studies have been undertaken of change and development among rural communities in Africa. Drawing on field-based research conducted over almost five decades, the article examines the shocks and adaptive strategies experienced in the remote rural community of Kayima in north-eastern Sierra Leone. In coping with both external and internal shocks and displaying a remarkable level of resilience, there has however been very little improvement in community livelihoods, and it is suggested that it is a case of ‘resilience without development’. It is likely that the findings of the study could have wider relevance among rural communities elsewhere in Africa.
对非洲农村社区的变化和发展进行的纵向研究相对较少。根据近50年来进行的实地研究,本文考察了塞拉利昂东北部Kayima偏远农村社区所经历的冲击和适应策略。然而,在应对外部和内部冲击以及表现出显著的复原力方面,社区生计几乎没有改善,有人认为这是一个“没有发展的复原力”的例子。这项研究的结果很可能在非洲其他地方的农村社区具有更广泛的相关性。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Modern African Studies
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