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MOA volume 60 issue 4 Cover and Back matter MOA第60卷第4期封面和封底
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000532
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引用次数: 0
When do women win in legally plural systems? Evidence from Ghana and Senegal 在法律多元体系中,女性什么时候会获胜?来自加纳和塞内加尔的证据
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000325
E. Hern
Abstract Africa's plural legal systems are often doubly bad for women: reinforcing patriarchal threads in indigenous practices while layering male-dominated Anglo-European laws atop. While these systems generally work to their detriment, women are sometimes able to take advantage of them. Under what conditions are women able to ‘win’ in Africa's plural legal systems? I examine women's interactions with the plural colonial court systems in the Gold Coast and Senegal. Based on an analysis of original court records in each country, I argue that women are more likely to win in plural legal systems in areas of operational ambiguity where applicable legal principles are contradictory. Leveraging this ambiguity enabled women in the Gold Coast and Senegal to win rights around inheritance and divorce, respectively. These victories were codified post-independence, though women face social pressures against exercising them.
非洲的多元法律体系对女性往往是双重不利的:在本土实践中强化了父权制的脉络,同时又将男性主导的盎格鲁-欧洲法律置于首位。虽然这些制度通常对她们不利,但女性有时能够利用它们。在什么条件下,女性能够在非洲的多元法律体系中“获胜”?我研究了女性与黄金海岸和塞内加尔多元殖民法院系统的互动。基于对每个国家原始法庭记录的分析,我认为,在适用法律原则相互矛盾的操作模糊领域,女性更有可能在多元法律体系中获胜。利用这种模糊性,黄金海岸和塞内加尔的女性分别赢得了继承权和离婚权。这些胜利在独立后被写入法律,尽管女性面临着反对行使这些胜利的社会压力。
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引用次数: 0
Explaining region creation conflicts in Ghana 解释加纳的地区创造冲突
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000374
D. Penu
ABSTRACT For the first time in its history, Ghana held a referendum in 2018 to divide some of its regions to create new ones. Though the regions are purely administrative, the division faced resistance in some areas and not in others. This study combines qualitative comparative analysis with process tracing to show that the resistance occurred within regions with relatively high support for the opposition party, but only in the combined presence of (traditional) elites competing from either side of the region and controversies regarding claims to (traditional) political authority. Further, it finds a bottom-up mechanism of the resistance, evolving as the threatened interests of stakeholders grew from the community to the regional, national and diaspora levels. As in other African cases, this suggests that the sources of conflicts in Africa are not so much about ethnic differences but more about elites’ unequal access to political and economic resources.
2018年,加纳历史上首次举行全民公投,将部分地区划分为新地区。虽然这些地区纯粹是行政性质的,但这种划分在一些地区遇到了阻力,而在另一些地区则没有。本研究将定性比较分析与过程追踪相结合,表明抵抗发生在反对党支持率相对较高的地区,但只有在该地区双方(传统)精英竞争和(传统)政治权威主张争议并存的情况下。此外,它还发现了一种自下而上的抵抗机制,随着利益相关者的利益受到威胁从社区发展到地区、国家和侨民层面而演变。与其他非洲案例一样,这表明非洲冲突的根源与其说是种族差异,不如说是精英阶层对政治和经济资源的不平等获取。
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting EU–Africa Relations in a Changing World edited by Valeria Fargion & Mamoudou Gazibo Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2021. Pp. 304. $155 (hbk). Valeria Fargion和Mamoudou Gazibo Cheltenham编辑的《在不断变化的世界中重新审视欧盟-非洲关系》:Edward Elgar,2021。第304页$155(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000271
M. Langan
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引用次数: 0
Revolutionary populism and democracy in Ghana 加纳的革命民粹主义和民主
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000337
J. Haynes
ABSTRACT The article examines two decades of Jerry Rawlings’ rule in Ghana. It seeks to explain why Rawlings’ revolutionary populism did not develop in the direction that he envisaged: a new kind of popular democracy. Instead, Rawlings oversaw the reintroduction of Ghana's popularly preferred political system: ‘Western-style’ multi-party democracy, despite his avowed intention of not doing so. To what extent was this outcome surprising or puzzling? The article explains that it was neither surprising nor puzzling as Rawlings’ regime, the PNDC, lacked the capacity to introduce a radical new political system, despite his desire to do so. His aim – to craft a new kind of popular democracy – was not achievable as both internal and external opposition forces were stronger in their desire for multi-party democracy and a neo-liberal economic system.
摘要本文考察了杰里·罗林斯在加纳统治的二十年。它试图解释为什么罗林斯的革命民粹主义没有朝着他设想的方向发展:一种新的大众民主。相反,罗林斯监督了加纳普遍偏好的政治制度的重新引入:“西方式”多党民主,尽管他公开表示不这么做。这一结果在多大程度上令人惊讶或困惑?文章解释说,这既不令人惊讶,也不令人困惑,因为罗林斯的政权PNDC缺乏引入激进新政治制度的能力,尽管他希望这样做。他的目标——创造一种新的大众民主——是不可能实现的,因为国内外反对势力对多党民主和新自由主义经济体系的渴望都更强烈。
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引用次数: 1
Locked in, logged out: pandemic and ride-hailing in South Africa and Kenya 锁定,退出:南非和肯尼亚的疫情和网约车
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000234
Mohammad Amir Anwar, Elly Otieno, Malte Stein
Abstract This article examines the impact of the pandemic on ride-hailing drivers and their mitigation strategies during lockdown in Africa. Ride-hailing has emerged as one of the latest paid-work opportunities for the continent's many unemployed. Yet, ride-hailing companies such as Uber and Bolt misclassify drivers to avoid regulation and responsibilities towards workers’ welfare. Drawing on 34 in-depth interviews with ride-hailing drivers, driver representatives and trade unions in South Africa and Kenya, this article makes two arguments. First, the gig economy in Africa provides work opportunities for the unemployed on the continent and simultaneously vitiates the working conditions through the commodification and informalisation of work. Second, the state-directed emergency measures act as a veneer to capital's efforts to commodify labour and the gig economy platforms have emerged as primary tools for it. Our account points to an urgent need for better regulatory systems to hold platform companies accountable and a collective bargaining mechanism in the gig economy.
摘要本文探讨了疫情对叫车司机的影响及其在非洲封锁期间的缓解策略。对于非洲大陆的许多失业者来说,叫车已经成为最新的带薪工作机会之一。然而,优步(Uber)和博尔特(Bolt)等叫车公司错误地将司机分类,以逃避监管和对工人福利的责任。本文通过对南非和肯尼亚约车司机、司机代表和工会的34次深入采访,提出了两个论点。首先,非洲的零工经济为非洲大陆的失业者提供了工作机会,同时通过工作的商品化和信息化破坏了工作条件。其次,国家指导的紧急措施是资本将劳动力商品化努力的幌子,零工经济平台已成为其主要工具。我们的报告指出,迫切需要更好的监管体系来追究平台公司的责任,并在零工经济中建立集体谈判机制。
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引用次数: 1
Telling ruins: the afterlives of an early post-independence development intervention in Lake Victoria, Tanzania 讲述废墟:坦桑尼亚维多利亚湖独立后早期发展干预的后遗症
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000180
Y. Gez, Marie-Aude Fouéré, Fabian Bulugu
ABSTRACT In the early 1960s, three pilot agricultural and settlement schemes were set up along the shores of Lake Victoria in the north-western region of Tanzania with the involvement of Israeli development agency Agridev. One of these sites was Mbarika, where the experimental project ran for three years and had mixed results before being discontinued by the young Tanzanian government. This article explores the story of that scheme and its long-term legacies some 50 years on. Unpacking the representational and material ruinations that outlived the project's official timeline, we examine the memories and rumours that continue to haunt the site to this day and their entanglement with successive development experiences and shifting political ideologies. Through interviews, ethnographic observations and archival research, we shed light on the complex, deeply ambiguous legacies and ‘afterlives’ of a development intervention set between expectations of modernity and a sense of exclusion.
摘要20世纪60年代初,在以色列发展机构阿格里德夫的参与下,坦桑尼亚西北部维多利亚湖畔建立了三个农业和定居点试点计划。其中一个地点是姆巴里卡,该实验项目在那里进行了三年,结果喜忧参半,后来被年轻的坦桑尼亚政府叫停。这篇文章探讨了该计划的故事及其50年后的长期遗产。我们揭开了该项目官方时间表之外的代表性和物质性破坏,审视了至今仍困扰着该网站的记忆和谣言,以及它们与连续的发展经历和不断变化的政治意识形态的纠缠。通过访谈、民族志观察和档案研究,我们揭示了介于对现代性的期望和排斥感之间的发展干预的复杂、极为模糊的遗产和“后遗症”。
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引用次数: 1
‘Resilience without development’ in a remote rural West African community: the case of Kayima, Sierra Leone 西非偏远农村社区的“没有发展的韧性”:以塞拉利昂卡伊玛为例
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000179
T. Binns, Jerram P Bateman
Abstract Relatively few longitudinal studies have been undertaken of change and development among rural communities in Africa. Drawing on field-based research conducted over almost five decades, the article examines the shocks and adaptive strategies experienced in the remote rural community of Kayima in north-eastern Sierra Leone. In coping with both external and internal shocks and displaying a remarkable level of resilience, there has however been very little improvement in community livelihoods, and it is suggested that it is a case of ‘resilience without development’. It is likely that the findings of the study could have wider relevance among rural communities elsewhere in Africa.
对非洲农村社区的变化和发展进行的纵向研究相对较少。根据近50年来进行的实地研究,本文考察了塞拉利昂东北部Kayima偏远农村社区所经历的冲击和适应策略。然而,在应对外部和内部冲击以及表现出显著的复原力方面,社区生计几乎没有改善,有人认为这是一个“没有发展的复原力”的例子。这项研究的结果很可能在非洲其他地方的农村社区具有更广泛的相关性。
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引用次数: 0
Researching Africa and the offshore world 研究非洲和近海世界
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000210
Ricardo Soares de Oliveira
ABSTRACT One of the key features of today's global economy is an ‘offshore world’ of financial structures, institutions and techniques designed to provide secrecy, asset protection and tax exemption. While its worldwide impact is very significant, Africa is affected to an unusual extent by the strategies of tax avoidance/evasion, outward financial flows (both legal and illegal) and corruption enabled by the offshore world. This is corroborated by a number of quantitative studies of capital flight as well as by influential investigations such as the Pandora Papers, Panama Papers and Luanda Leaks. The offshore world's limited presence in the study of contemporary African politics, political economy and international relations is therefore striking. The purpose of this exploratory paper is to highlight this gap, provide a preliminary analysis, and suggest that the politics of African insertion in the global offshore economy merits more attention from scholars of African politics.
摘要当今全球经济的一个关键特征是金融结构、机构和技术的“离岸世界”,旨在提供保密、资产保护和免税服务。尽管非洲在世界范围内的影响非常重大,但其避税/逃税、向外资金流动(合法和非法)和离岸世界促成的腐败战略对非洲的影响非同寻常。许多关于资本外逃的定量研究以及潘多拉文件、巴拿马文件和罗安达泄密事件等有影响力的调查都证实了这一点。因此,离岸世界在当代非洲政治、政治经济和国际关系研究中的有限存在令人震惊。这篇探索性论文的目的是突出这一差距,提供初步分析,并表明非洲在全球离岸经济中的插入政治值得非洲政治学者更多关注。
{"title":"Researching Africa and the offshore world","authors":"Ricardo Soares de Oliveira","doi":"10.1017/S0022278X22000210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022278X22000210","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT One of the key features of today's global economy is an ‘offshore world’ of financial structures, institutions and techniques designed to provide secrecy, asset protection and tax exemption. While its worldwide impact is very significant, Africa is affected to an unusual extent by the strategies of tax avoidance/evasion, outward financial flows (both legal and illegal) and corruption enabled by the offshore world. This is corroborated by a number of quantitative studies of capital flight as well as by influential investigations such as the Pandora Papers, Panama Papers and Luanda Leaks. The offshore world's limited presence in the study of contemporary African politics, political economy and international relations is therefore striking. The purpose of this exploratory paper is to highlight this gap, provide a preliminary analysis, and suggest that the politics of African insertion in the global offshore economy merits more attention from scholars of African politics.","PeriodicalId":47608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Modern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44443468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 6
Understanding Modern Nigeria: ethnicity, democracy, and development by Toyin Falola Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. 672. £74.99 (hbk). 理解现代尼日利亚:种族、民主和发展,作者:Toyin Falola剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021年。672页。£74.99 (hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000131
D. Babalola
invest in pro-trade policies – particularly when members are not in direct competition with each other – so that the leaders can mobilise members if the state tries to interfere. In the absence of state threats, strong leaders use their power to extort traders and embezzle market funds. Competition between traders, as well as weak leaders, can also lead to poor private governance and poorly functioning markets. Grossman concludes that private governance works best in the shadow of the state – under enough threat of interference to motivate strong leaders to build governance institutions but not so much interference that the government crushes or takes over market institutions. The book supports the argument with a rich array of original surveys, maps, administrative data, observations, and interviews with traders in Lagos. Informal work and institutions are notoriously difficult to quantify because they exist by definition outside of regulatory agencies that collect regular data and labour statistics. Grossman addressed this challenge by building a sampling frame of markets from the Lagos Waste Management Authority, mapping out every market in the city and taking a census of , shops. Grossman then randomly selected shops from this frame and surveyed  traders in face-to-face interviews with a team of enumerators. She conducted three waves of surveys in ,  and , with  traders participating in all three waves. This trove of data gives Grossman unprecedented quantitative data on the economic and political decisions of an important group of microenterprises over time. Grossman uses these data to prove her points as well as anticipate objections and alternative explanations. She illustrates the numbers with interviews, stories and observations across the market landscape in Lagos. Grossman asserts that her account of private governance institutions in Lagos marketplaces uncovers a channel for trade and development that does not require a benevolent or efficient government or even the rule of law. Instead, she argues, all a government needs to do to spur efficient private institutions is to threaten to intervene in business people’s affairs. She convincingly demonstrates that when predatory politicians work against traders’ interests, they unintentionally trigger private policies and mobilisation that benefits traders. This book should be on the reading list of scholars working on property rights, development, governance, informality, African politics and urban politics.
投资于支持贸易的政策——尤其是在成员国之间不存在直接竞争的情况下——这样,如果国家试图干预,领导人就可以动员成员国。在没有国家威胁的情况下,强势的领导人会利用自己的权力敲诈交易员,侵吞市场资金。交易员之间的竞争,以及软弱的领导者,也可能导致糟糕的私人治理和运转不良的市场。格罗斯曼的结论是,私人治理在国家的阴影下运作得最好——在足够的干预威胁下,可以激励强有力的领导人建立治理机构,但又不会受到过多的干预,以至于政府摧毁或接管市场机构。这本书用丰富的原始调查、地图、行政数据、观察和对拉各斯商人的采访来支持这一论点。众所周知,非正式工作和非正式机构很难量化,因为从定义上讲,它们存在于收集定期数据和劳工统计数据的监管机构之外。为了应对这一挑战,格罗斯曼从拉各斯废物管理局(Lagos Waste Management Authority)那里建立了一个市场抽样框架,绘制了该市的每个市场,并对、商店进行了普查。然后,格罗斯曼从这个框架中随机选择了一些商店,并与一组统计员面对面采访了商贩。她在、和上进行了三波调查,交易员参与了这三波调查。这一数据宝库为格罗斯曼提供了前所未有的定量数据,以了解一群重要的微型企业长期以来的经济和政治决策。格罗斯曼使用这些数据来证明她的观点,并预测反对意见和替代解释。她通过对拉各斯市场的采访、故事和观察来说明这些数字。格罗斯曼断言,她对拉各斯市场私人治理机构的描述揭示了一个贸易和发展的渠道,它不需要一个仁慈或高效的政府,甚至不需要法治。相反,她认为,政府要想刺激私人机构的效率,所需要做的就是威胁要干预商界人士的事务。她令人信服地证明,当掠夺性的政客损害交易员的利益时,他们无意中引发了有利于交易员的私人政策和动员。这本书应该列入研究产权、发展、治理、非正式、非洲政治和城市政治的学者的阅读清单。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Modern African Studies
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