Journal of Modern African Studies最新文献

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Externalising migration control in Niger: the humanitarian–security nexus and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) 尼日尔移民控制外部化:人道主义与安全关系和国际移民组织(IOM)

4区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Journal of Modern African Studies

Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x23000149

Fabio de Blasis, Silvia Pitzalis

Abstract The article investigates the role of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in the global migration regime against the backdrop of the European Union (EU) border externalisation process in Niger. Over the last few years, UN agencies have been considered an essential component of the EU strategy to prevent irregular migrants from reaching Europe. Drawing on qualitative research and ethnographic fieldwork, combining empirical observation with critical analysis, we explore the ‘humanitarian–security nexus’ by focusing on the IOM's ‘humanitarian borderwork’ under the financial umbrella of the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (ETFA). While the results of purely securitarian measures in Niger may have been ‘disappointing’, the outsourcing of migration management through IOM balances the interests of the Nigerien government and the EU. By focusing on IOM humanitarian operations and assisted voluntary returns and reintegration (AVRR) programmes, the article shows the further expansion of European humanitarian borders into the heart of the Sahel, highlighting new interdiction practices, hidden forms of deportation, side effects and contestation from below.

摘要本文以欧盟(EU)在尼日尔边境外部化进程为背景，探讨了国际移民组织(IOM)在全球移民制度中的作用。在过去几年中，联合国机构被认为是欧盟防止非正规移民进入欧洲战略的重要组成部分。在定性研究和人种学实地调查的基础上，结合实证观察和批判性分析，我们通过关注国际移民组织在非洲紧急信托基金(ETFA)资助下的“人道主义边境工作”，探索了“人道主义与安全的关系”。虽然尼日尔纯粹的安全措施的结果可能“令人失望”，但通过国际移民组织外包的移民管理平衡了尼日利亚政府和欧盟的利益。通过关注国际移民组织的人道主义行动和协助自愿返回和重返社会(AVRR)计划，文章显示了欧洲人道主义边界进一步扩展到萨赫勒地区的心脏地带，突出了新的封锁做法、隐藏的驱逐形式、副作用和自下而上的争论。

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引用次数: 0

Judge, landlord, broker, watchman: assessing variation in chiefly duties and authority in the Ghana–Togo Borderlands 法官、地主、经纪人、守望者:评价加纳-多哥边境地区主要职责和权力的变化

4区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Journal of Modern African Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x23000150

Martha Wilfahrt, Natalie Wenzell Letsa

abstract This paper seeks to broaden the framework for understanding the many different roles that traditional leaders play in their communities in sub-Saharan Africa. Using data from an original public opinion survey along the Ghana–Togo border, we find that one of the most important roles of the chieftaincy is to maintain law and order: resolving disputes and keeping the community safe from crime. However, we also find considerable variation in what chiefs are expected to do, how effective they are performing their various tasks, and how much authority they wield in doing so – both over their own subjects as well as over local government officials. We explore several potential sources for this variation, finding that chiefs in Ghana, a former British colony, are expected to do more jobs, are perceived to be more effective, and hold more upward power over local state officials compared with their counterparts in Togo, a former French colony.

本文旨在拓宽框架，以理解撒哈拉以南非洲地区传统领导人在其社区中扮演的许多不同角色。根据一项来自加纳-多哥边境的原始民意调查数据，我们发现酋长最重要的角色之一是维持法律和秩序:解决争端，保护社区免受犯罪侵害。然而，我们也发现酋长们应该做什么，他们执行各种任务的效率如何，以及他们在这样做时行使的权力有多大——无论是对他们自己的臣民还是对当地政府官员。我们探索了这种差异的几个潜在来源，发现与前法国殖民地多哥的酋长相比，前英国殖民地加纳的酋长被期望做更多的工作，被认为更有效率，并且对当地政府官员拥有更多的向上权力。

引用次数: 0

Somalia's evolving political market place: from famine and humanitarian crisis to permanent precarity 索马里政治市场的演变:从饥荒和人道主义危机到永久的不稳定

4区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Journal of Modern African Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x23000071

Susanne Jaspars, Nisar Majid, Guhad M. Adan

ABSTRACT Somalia has a long history of famine and humanitarian crisis. This article focuses on the years 2008–2020, during which governance and aid practices changed substantially and which include three crisis periods. The article examines whether and how governance analysed as a political marketplace can help explain Somalia's repeated humanitarian crises and the manipulation of response. We argue that between 2008 and 2011 the political marketplace was a violent competitive oligopoly which contributed to famine, but that from 2012 a more collusive, informal political compact resulted in a status quo which avoided violent conflict or famine in 2017 and which functioned to keep external resources coming in. At the same time, this political arrangement benefits from the maintenance of a large group of displaced people in permanent precarity as a source of aid and labour.

索马里的饥荒和人道主义危机由来已久。本文重点关注2008-2020年，在此期间，治理和援助实践发生了重大变化，其中包括三个危机时期。本文探讨作为政治市场分析的治理是否以及如何有助于解释索马里反复出现的人道主义危机和应对措施的操纵。我们认为，在2008年至2011年期间，政治市场是一种暴力竞争的寡头垄断，这导致了饥荒，但从2012年开始，一种更具串通性的非正式政治契约导致了现状，避免了2017年的暴力冲突或饥荒，并起到了保持外部资源进入的作用。与此同时，这种政治安排的好处是，大批长期处于不稳定状态的流离失所者作为援助和劳动力的来源得以维持。

引用次数: 1

Political trust and informal traders in African cities 非洲城市的政治信任和非正式贸易商

4区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Journal of Modern African Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x23000125

Danielle Resnick, Bhavna Sivasubramanian

Abstract How do cities foster political trust among informal workers? This question is particularly salient in Africa's growing cities where local governments must reconcile policy priorities across highly heterogeneous constituencies, including a burgeoning middle-class and a large informal economy. We argue that expectations about reciprocity and procedural justice shape the probability that informal traders trust their local government. In doing so, we analyse a survey of approximately 1000 informal traders in Ghana's three main cities – Accra, Kumasi and Tamale. We find that traders who paid requisite fees to local assemblies and could attribute a benefit from those payments were more likely to trust their local government while those who had experienced harassment by city authorities were less likely to do so. The paper highlights that drivers of trust among diverse urban constituencies deserve greater empirical and comparative attention, especially as countries deepen decentralisation initiatives and cities commit to development goals around inclusivity.

城市如何培养非正式工人之间的政治信任?这个问题在非洲不断发展的城市中尤为突出，在这些城市，地方政府必须在高度异质的选区(包括蓬勃发展的中产阶级和庞大的非正规经济)之间协调政策优先事项。我们认为，对互惠和程序正义的期望塑造了非正式交易者信任当地政府的可能性。在此过程中，我们分析了对加纳三个主要城市——阿克拉、库马西和塔马利——约1000名非正式贸易商的调查。我们发现，向地方议会支付必要费用并能从中获益的商人更有可能信任当地政府，而那些经历过市政当局骚扰的商人则不太可能这样做。该报告强调，不同城市选区之间的信任驱动因素值得更多的实证和比较关注，特别是在各国深化分权举措和城市致力于围绕包容性实现发展目标的情况下。

引用次数: 0

Political party ideology in Zambia: comparing the PF and the UPND on social welfare policies 赞比亚的政党意识形态:比较爱国阵线和进步民主联盟的社会福利政策

IF 0.8 4区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Journal of Modern African Studies

Pub Date : 2023-08-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x23000058

Courtney Hallink, Hangala Siachiwena

This paper challenges existing analyses of party cleavages in Sub-Saharan Africa which over-emphasise the centrality of ethnicity. Parties express ideological positions that reflect the socio-economic interests of specific regions, which, especially in Zambia, coincide with particular ethnic groups. We demonstrate this through an examination of party manifestos, policy documents and semi-structured interviews with members of two political parties in Zambia – the Patriotic Front and the United Party for National Development. These parties express clear normative ideas about social welfare, especially the role of the state in providing social assistance to the poorest. These ideological positions reflect the socio-economic interests of the ethnic groups and regions where support for each party is dominant. These are shaped by the ways in which these regions were historically incorporated into the colonial economy. In order to gain a better understanding of African politics, ethnicity must be conceptualised as a socio-cultural construct and situated historically.

这篇论文挑战了现有的对撒哈拉以南非洲党派分裂的分析，这些分析过分强调种族的中心地位。各党派所表达的意识形态立场反映了特定区域的社会经济利益，特别是在赞比亚，这些利益与特定族裔群体的利益一致。我们通过审查政党宣言、政策文件和对赞比亚两个政党- -爱国阵线和国家发展统一党- -成员的半结构化访谈来证明这一点。这些政党对社会福利，特别是国家在向最贫困人口提供社会援助方面的作用，表达了明确的规范性观念。这些意识形态的立场反映了各党派占主导地位的族群和地区的社会经济利益。这些都是由这些地区在历史上被纳入殖民经济的方式形成的。为了更好地理解非洲政治，必须将种族概念化为一种社会文化结构，并置于历史位置。

引用次数: 0

Micro Rna 182-3-P, 519-D-5p, 378-3p As Non-Invasive Predictors Of Preeclampsia. 微 Rna 182-3-P、519-D-5p、378-3p 作为子痫前期的非侵入性预测因子。

4区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Journal of Modern African Studies

Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.55519/JAMC-03-11783

Zaima Ali, Uzma Zafar, Ambreen Tauseef, Saima Zaki, Saba Khaliq

Background: MicroRNAs (miRNAs) are an emerging field of interest in many diseases. Some of the miRNAs have been reported to be expressed differentially in diseased states of pregnancy. The current study was designed to measure and compare the levels of microRNA 182-3-p, 519-d-5p, and 378-3p and it was hypothesized that the microRNA 182-3-p, 519-d-5p, and 378-3p can be used as a non-invasive predictor of preeclampsia.

Methods: Expression level of the miRNAs 182-3-p, 519-d-5p, and 378-3p was measured in the serum of preeclamptic and normal pregnancies by real-time PCR. Data was entered and analysed by Statistical Package for the Social Sciences 22 (SPSS).

Results: Significantly high expression levels of MiRNA 182-3p, 519-d-5p and low levels of miR-378-3p were associated with preeclampsia (PE).

Conclusions: The results revealed that miR-182-3p is a powerful predictor of PE with an Odds Ratio of 5.9 and can be used as a noninvasive, reliable predictor of PE to screen these patients at an early stage. Screening at early gestation with follow-up studies can emphasize the results.

背景：微小RNA（miRNA）是许多疾病的一个新兴研究领域。据报道，一些 miRNA 在妊娠疾病状态下的表达存在差异。本研究旨在测量和比较 microRNA 182-3-p、519-d-5p 和 378-3p 的水平，并假设 microRNA 182-3-p、519-d-5p 和 378-3p 可用作子痫前期的非侵入性预测指标：方法：通过实时 PCR 检测子痫前期和正常孕妇血清中 miRNA 182-3-p、519-d-5p 和 378-3p 的表达水平。数据由社会科学统计软件包 22（SPSS）输入和分析：结果：MiRNA 182-3p、519-d-5p的高表达水平和miR-378-3p的低表达水平与子痫前期（PE）明显相关：结果显示，miR-182-3p 是预测子痫前期的有力指标，Odds 比为 5.9，可作为子痫前期的非侵入性可靠预测指标，用于早期筛查这些患者。在妊娠早期进行筛查并进行随访研究能显著提高筛查效果。

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引用次数: 0

Recent modifications to the US methadone treatment system are a Band-Aid-not a solution-to the nation's broken opioid use disorder treatment system. 最近对美国美沙酮治疗系统进行的修改，只是为美国破碎的阿片类药物使用障碍治疗系统提供了一个 "创可贴"，而非解决方案。

4区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Journal of Modern African Studies

Pub Date : 2023-06-20 eCollection Date: 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1093/haschl/qxad018

Noa Krawczyk, Paul J Joudrey, Rachel Simon, Danielle M Russel, David Frank

For 5 decades, US federal regulations have segregated methadone treatment for opioid use disorder from the rest of the health care system, confining its availability to specialty treatment programs that are highly regulated. These regulations have led to severe shortages in the availability of methadone and grave underutilization of this lifesaving medication despite a worsening overdose crisis. In this commentary, we discuss current barriers to methadone in the US opioid treatment system and how recent changes to federal regulations fall short of the reforms needed to significantly expand access to this treatment. Instead, we propose the urgent need to expand methadone to mainstream health care settings by allowing for office-based prescribing and pharmacy dispensing of methadone, the norm in many other developed countries.

50 年来，美国联邦法规将治疗阿片类药物使用障碍的美沙酮治疗与医疗保健系统的其他部分隔离开来，使其只能在受到严格监管的专业治疗项目中使用。这些规定导致美沙酮供应严重短缺，尽管用药过量危机不断恶化，但这种救命药物的使用率却严重不足。在这篇评论中，我们将讨论美沙酮目前在美国阿片类药物治疗系统中面临的障碍，以及联邦法规的最新变化如何无法满足大幅扩大这种治疗所需的改革。相反，我们提出迫切需要将美沙酮推广到主流医疗机构，允许在办公室开具处方和在药房配发美沙酮，这是许多其他发达国家的规范。

引用次数: 0

‘Land back to the people or not?’ The variable pathways of civic mobilisation against land grabs in rural Sierra Leone “土地还给不还给人民?”塞拉利昂农村反对土地掠夺的公民动员的不同途径

IF 0.8 4区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Journal of Modern African Studies

Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000489

Sukanya Podder

Abstract Drawing on empirical research from Pujehun and Port Loko districts in Sierra Leone, this article explains the variable pathways of civic activism mobilised by environmental advocacy, and legal empowerment organisations, in response to two prominent land grabs. By grounding the analysis within the ontology of place, this study examines the dynamic interplay between national politics, global corporate interests, transnational advocacy, and civic agency in each place. The article finds that although the balance of power between these actors matters, the nature of corporate interests involved can be significant in determining the exact trajectory of civic mobilisation, and ultimately its success.

本文通过对塞拉利昂Pujehun和Port Loko地区的实证研究，解释了由环境倡导和法律赋权组织动员的公民行动的不同途径，以应对两起突出的土地掠夺。通过在地方本体的基础上进行分析，本研究考察了每个地方的国家政治、全球企业利益、跨国倡导和公民机构之间的动态相互作用。本文发现，尽管这些行动者之间的权力平衡很重要，但所涉及的企业利益的性质在决定公民动员的确切轨迹以及最终的成功方面可能具有重要意义。

引用次数: 0

Renting in the informal city: the role of dignity in upgrading backyard dwellings in Cape Town, South Africa 非正式城市中的租房:尊严在南非开普敦后院住宅升级中的作用

IF 0.8 4区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Journal of Modern African Studies

Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X23000034

L. Rice, Andreas Scheba, Adam S. Harris

Abstract In South Africa, informal rental accommodation constructed in the backyards of formal houses is the fastest growing housing segment. These backyard dwellings (BDs) are makeshift structures made from timber frames, metal sheets or wooden planks. Despite the proliferation of BDs, national and local governments have done little to improve the living standards of backyard dwellers. The research uses focus groups, interviews and building surveys to examine the current state of backyard dwellings and identify opportunities and barriers for government interventions. We analyse the barriers to home improvements, highlighting the important role of tenant dignity and landlord-tenant relations. Furthermore, the research discusses the challenges of potential government-led interventions, which could easily fail in the context of resistance, mistrust and anxiety over housing. We present four key considerations that any intervention to upgrade BDs in South Africa or similar rental units in other localities must consider.

在南非，建造在正式房屋后院的非正式租赁住房是增长最快的住房部分。这些后院住宅(bd)是由木框架，金属板或木板制成的临时结构。尽管“后院居民”数量激增，但国家和地方政府在提高“后院居民”的生活水平方面收效甚微。该研究使用焦点小组、访谈和建筑调查来检查后院住宅的现状，并确定政府干预的机会和障碍。我们分析了家庭改善的障碍，强调了租户尊严和房东-租户关系的重要作用。此外，该研究还讨论了政府主导的潜在干预措施的挑战，这些措施很容易在对住房的抵制、不信任和焦虑的背景下失败。我们提出了南非bd升级或其他地区类似租赁单元升级的任何干预措施必须考虑的四个关键因素。

引用次数: 0

Why time matters for understanding the ASM-LSM nexus in south-eastern Democratic Republic of Congo 为什么时间对理解刚果民主共和国东南部ASM-LSM关系很重要

IF 0.8 4区社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES

Journal of Modern African Studies

Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X23000022

J. Cuvelier

Abstract This article highlights the importance of studying the politics of time in the copper and cobalt mining sector of south-eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where a tense coexistence can be observed between artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) and large-scale mining (LSM). It is argued that inequality in ASM-LSM settings not only manifests itself spatially but also temporally. Faced with an uncertain future, ASM and LSM actors do not have the same capacity to control time and plan their futures. Drawing on data from several rounds of ethnographic fieldwork in Katanga's mining areas between 2005 and 2022, the article advocates an approach which pays more attention to issues of time and temporality in places where large-scale forms of mineral extraction clash with small-scale ones.

摘要本文强调了在刚果民主共和国东南部的铜和钴开采部门研究时间政治的重要性，在那里可以观察到手工小规模采矿（ASM）和大规模采矿（LSM）之间的紧张共存。有人认为，ASM-LSM环境中的不平等不仅在空间上表现出来，而且在时间上也表现出来。面对不确定的未来，ASM和LSM参与者没有同样的能力控制时间和规划未来。根据2005年至2022年间在加丹加矿区进行的几轮人种学实地调查的数据，文章主张采取一种方法，在大规模矿产开采与小规模矿产开采相冲突的地方，更加关注时间和时间问题。

引用次数: 0

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Journal of Modern African Studies

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