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MOA volume 59 issue 4 Cover and Front matter MOA第59卷第4期封面和封面
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x21000306
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引用次数: 0
Frictional interactions on Women, Peace and Security in Mali 关于马里妇女、和平与安全的摩擦互动
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X2100029X
Jenny Lorentzen
Abstract More than 20 years after the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, the international community is concerned with taking stock of its implementation in countries undergoing transitions from war to peace. This article contributes to a better understanding of the dynamics involved in implementing the Women, Peace and Security agenda through a focus on the frictional interactions that take place between different actors promoting women's participation in the peace process in Mali. Based on extensive fieldwork in Bamako between 2017 and 2019, it analyses interactions between different international and local actors in the Malian peace process through a discussion of vertical (between international and local actors) and horizontal (between local actors) friction. It finds that the way different actors respond to friction shapes relationships and impacts norm trajectories by triggering feedback loops, which in turn trigger new responses and outcomes.
在联合国安理会关于妇女、和平与安全的第1325号决议通过20多年后,国际社会关注评估该决议在经历从战争向和平过渡的国家的执行情况。本文通过关注促进马里妇女参与和平进程的不同行动者之间的摩擦互动,有助于更好地理解实施妇女、和平与安全议程所涉及的动态。基于2017年至2019年在巴马科的广泛实地调查,通过讨论纵向(国际和地方行为体之间)和横向(地方行为体之间)摩擦,分析了马里和平进程中不同国际和地方行为体之间的相互作用。研究发现,不同的行为体对摩擦的反应方式通过触发反馈循环来塑造关系,并影响规范轨迹,而反馈循环反过来又引发新的反应和结果。
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引用次数: 1
Historical Dictionary of Niger (Fifth Edition) by Rahmane Idrissa. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2020. Pp. 642. $140 (hbk), $133 (eBook). 尼日尔历史词典(第五版),作者:Rahmane Idrissa。Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2020。642页。电子书140美元,电子书133美元。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x21000227
M. Göpfert
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引用次数: 0
Populist parties shifting the political discourse? A case study of the Economic Freedom Fighters in South Africa 民粹主义政党改变政治话语?南非经济自由斗士案例研究
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000276
Marine Fölscher, Nicola de Jager, R. Nyenhuis
ABSTRACT This article examines the use of populist discourse in South African politics. We investigate speeches of leaders from the ruling African National Congress (ANC) and opposition parties, the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). We find that the EFF consistently employs populist appeals, while both the incumbent ANC and official opposition DA largely refrain. Our longitudinal analysis allows an examination of fluctuation across party leaders and electoral cycles, and illustrates that neither the ANC nor the DA have modified their political discourses in light of a rising populist challenger. However, there is some evidence that the two most dominant parties have reformed their programmatic offerings and behaviour in an attempt to compete with the EFF's popular appeal. The South African case offers important insights into the study of oppositional populism on the African continent, and a window into how major political parties may respond to emerging populist contenders.
本文探讨了民粹主义话语在南非政治中的使用。我们调查了执政党非洲人国民大会(ANC)和反对党、民主联盟(DA)和经济自由战士(EFF)领导人的演讲。我们发现EFF一贯采用民粹主义的呼吁,而现任的非国大和官方反对党民主联盟党在很大程度上都没有这样做。我们的纵向分析允许对政党领导人和选举周期的波动进行检查,并说明非国大和民主联盟党都没有根据民粹主义挑战者的崛起修改他们的政治话语。然而,有一些证据表明,两个最主要的政党已经改革了他们的纲领和行为,试图与EFF的大众吸引力竞争。南非的案例为研究非洲大陆的反对民粹主义提供了重要的见解,并为了解主要政党如何应对新兴的民粹主义竞争者提供了一个窗口。
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引用次数: 2
The legislature as political control: change and continuity in Cameroon's National Assembly (1973–2019) 作为政治控制的立法机构:喀麦隆国民议会的变革和连续性(1973–2019)
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000288
Yonatan L. Morse
abstract A growing literature has begun to more closely examine African legislatures. However, most of this research has been attentive to emerging democratic settings, and particularly the experiences of a select number of English-speaking countries. By contrast, Cameroon is a Francophone majority country that reintroduced multiparty politics in the early 1990s but continues to exhibit significant authoritarian tendencies. This article provides a longitudinal analysis of Cameroon's National Assembly and builds on a unique biographical dataset of over 900 members of parliament between 1973 and 2019. The article describes changes in the structure and orientation of the legislature as well as the social profile of its members, in particular following the transition to multipartyism. While the legislature in Cameroon remains primarily a tool of political control, it is more dynamic, and the mechanisms used to manage elites within the context of complex multiethnic politics have evolved.
越来越多的文献开始更仔细地研究非洲的立法机构。然而,这项研究大多关注新兴的民主环境,特别是一些英语国家的经验。相比之下,喀麦隆是法语占多数的国家,在20世纪90年代初重新引入了多党政治,但仍表现出明显的独裁倾向。本文对喀麦隆国民议会进行了纵向分析,并建立在1973年至2019年间900多名议员的独特传记数据集之上。这篇文章描述了立法机构的结构和方向以及其成员的社会形象的变化,特别是在向多党制过渡之后。虽然喀麦隆的立法机构仍然主要是政治控制的工具,但它更具活力,在复杂的多民族政治背景下管理精英的机制也在演变。
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引用次数: 0
Commissions of inquiry and pathways to accountability in Plateau State, Nigeria 尼日利亚高原州的调查委员会和问责途径
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000252
M. Oosterom, D. Sha, C. Dowd
ABSTRACT For decades, Plateau State in Nigeria's Middle Belt has witnessed repeated ethnoreligious violence. Over this period, both state and federal governments have established formal Commissions of Inquiry (COIs) in response to unrest, tasked with investigating violence, identifying perpetrators, and – ultimately – strengthening accountability. While commissions’ mandates and specific outcomes varied, there is general consensus that inquiries have been largely ineffective at securing justice or establishing accountability for violence. This study seeks to understand the expectations placed on, and role of, COIs in Plateau State as pathways to formal accountability in a context of recurring violence. We argue that COIs are embedded in the complex, multilevel networks and politics of state and non-state institutions. Civil society, in turn, has diverse expectations and demands, and articulates these in fragmented ways. As a result, COIs served primarily as another avenue for interest-based negotiations.
几十年来,尼日利亚中部地带的高原州不断发生种族宗教暴力事件。在此期间,州政府和联邦政府都成立了正式的调查委员会(COIs),以应对骚乱,其任务是调查暴力事件,查明肇事者,并最终加强问责制。虽然各委员会的任务和具体成果各不相同,但普遍的共识是,调查在确保司法公正或确立对暴力行为的问责方面基本上是无效的。本研究旨在了解在暴力反复发生的背景下,对高原州coi作为正式问责途径的期望和作用。我们认为,coi嵌入在国家和非国家机构的复杂、多层次的网络和政治中。反过来,公民社会有不同的期望和要求,并以分散的方式表达这些期望和要求。因此,coi主要作为基于利益的谈判的另一个途径。
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引用次数: 1
Political Leadership in Africa: leaders and development south of the Sahara by Giovanni Carbone & Alessandro Pellegata Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. 386. $99.99 (hbk). 《非洲的政治领导:撒哈拉以南的领导人与发展》,乔瓦尼·卡波恩和亚历山德罗·佩列加塔著,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2020年。386页。99.99美元(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x21000239
U. Krishna
ports – qua title so to say – to be somewhat comprehensive and thus much more than a mere ‘guide of sorts’. This implied promise is, of course, hard to fulfil. Yet considering the format of the Historical Dictionary series, which takes the discrete modern nation state as its unit of analysis, this unfulfilled promise is perhaps a welcome counterpoint to the potential reification of its very unit of analysis. There is no doubt that theHistorical Dictionary of Niger serves as an ideal entry point and stepping stone for further research into issues related to Niger. Although some areas are covered more intensely than others (there is more on party politics than on Nigérien music, poetry and film-making, for example), I strongly recommend it to students and scholars interested in Niger.
港口——可以说是一个标题——在某种程度上是全面的,因此远不止是一个“指南”。当然,这种隐含的承诺很难实现。然而,考虑到《历史词典》系列的格式,它将离散的现代民族国家作为其分析单位,这一未实现的承诺可能是对其分析单位潜在具体化的一种可喜的回应。毫无疑问,《尼日尔历史词典》是进一步研究尼日尔问题的理想切入点和垫脚石。尽管有些领域的报道比其他领域更为密集(例如,关于政党政治的报道比关于尼日利亚音乐、诗歌和电影制作的报道更多),但我强烈建议对尼日尔感兴趣的学生和学者阅读。
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引用次数: 0
MOA volume 59 issue 3 Cover and Front matter MOA第59卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x21000197
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引用次数: 0
Russia's return to Africa: a comparative study of Egypt, Algeria and Morocco 俄罗斯重返非洲:埃及、阿尔及利亚和摩洛哥的比较研究
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000070
Tereza Němečková, Lea Melnikovová, N. Piskunova
Abstract The article analyses Russia's recent return to Africa. It attempts to answer the question to what extent Russia has abandoned its traditional tools of cooperation such as nuclear energy and military cooperation and engaged in new ‘smart’ ones as indicated by former Foreign Minister Ivanov in 2011. The paper builds on three case studies of African countries having the largest trade volume with Russia in 2018, i.e. Egypt, Algeria and Morocco, and analyses their changing relationship with Russia over the last decade. The results show that Russia has not abandoned its traditional tools but has intensified the use of new ones. The North African region as such has regained significance in Russia's foreign policy. Bilateral relations with all three North African countries have increased at both political and economic levels recently.
摘要本文分析了俄罗斯最近重返非洲的情况。它试图回答俄罗斯在多大程度上放弃了传统的合作工具,如核能和军事合作,并从事新的“智能”合作,正如前外交部长伊万诺夫在2011年所指出的那样。本文以2018年与俄罗斯贸易额最大的三个非洲国家(埃及、阿尔及利亚和摩洛哥)为案例研究基础,分析了它们在过去十年中与俄罗斯关系的变化。结果表明,俄罗斯并没有放弃其传统工具,而是加强了对新工具的使用。北非地区在俄罗斯的外交政策中重新获得了重要地位。最近同所有三个北非国家的双边关系在政治和经济两方面都有所增加。
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引用次数: 0
Revolutionary legality and the Burkinabè insurrection 革命合法性与布基纳法索暴动
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000136
P. Brett
ABSTRACT Coup leaders often purport to restore constitutional order. During Burkina Faso's 2014 ‘insurrection', however, Blaise Compaoré's opponents advanced detailed (international) legal arguments that significantly constrained their subsequent conduct. Theirs was to be a legal revolution. This article situates this stance within Burkina Faso's distinctive history of urban protest, whilst emphasising under-analysed international sources for the insurrection. ‘Insurgent’ lawyers, it argues, used international instruments to reinvigorate longstanding activist attempts to reconcile constitutional rights with a language of popular justice promoted by the revolutionary regime of Thomas Sankara (1983–7). After the insurrection, however, their emphasis on legality was used by Compaoré's supporters to expose the transitional authorities’ double-standards. Meanwhile, insurgent lawyers working for the transition had to work hard to reconcile (international) legal justifications for the insurrection with the expedient politics needed to defend the new dispensation.
政变领导人经常声称要恢复宪法秩序。然而,在布基纳法索2014年的“暴动”期间,Blaise Compaoré的反对者提出了详细的(国际)法律论据,极大地限制了他们随后的行为。他们的行动将是一场法律革命。这篇文章将这一立场置于布基纳法索独特的城市抗议历史中,同时强调了对叛乱的国际来源分析不足。”它认为,叛乱分子的律师利用国际文书重振了长期以来的活动家努力,将宪法权利与托马斯·桑卡拉(1983–7)革命政权倡导的大众正义语言相调和。然而,暴动后,孔波雷的支持者利用他们对合法性的强调来揭露过渡当局的双重标准。与此同时,为过渡工作的叛乱律师必须努力调和叛乱的(国际)法律理由与捍卫新政权所需的权宜之计。
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引用次数: 1
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Journal of Modern African Studies
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