Duke Law Journal最新文献

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An empirical examination of the equal protection challenge to contingency fee restrictions in medical malpractice reform statutes. 医疗事故改革法规中对应急费用限制的平等保护挑战的实证研究。

IF 1.9 2区社会学 Q1 LAW

Duke Law Journal

Pub Date : 2006-11-01

Casey L Dwyer

引用次数: 0

Taking the sting out of reporting requirements: reproductive health clinics and the constitutional right to informational privacy. 消除报告要求的刺痛:生殖健康诊所和宪法规定的信息隐私权。

IF 1.9 2区社会学 Q1 LAW

Duke Law Journal

Pub Date : 2006-11-01

Jessica Ansley Bodger

引用次数: 0

Is Secured Debt Used to Redistribute Value from Tort Claimants in Bankruptcy? An Empirical Analysis 担保债务是否用于破产侵权索赔人价值的再分配?实证分析

IF 1.9 2区社会学 Q1 LAW

Duke Law Journal

Pub Date : 2006-06-15 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.909225

Yair Listokin

Many scholars question the priority enjoyed by secured debt in bankruptcy. They fear that secured debt will be used to inefficiently redistribute value away from pre-existing unprotected creditors of a firm. These scholars advocate a host of legal innovations, such as "superpriority" for tort claimants with respect to other creditors, to mitigate the redistributional problem. Other scholars minimize the redistributional problem, however, and argue that priority for secured credit is efficient. To help resolve this debate, this paper examines the redistributional theory from an empirical perspective. In particular, the paper focuses on secured debt usage by firms facing large tort liabilities ("high-tort" firms). In theory, secured debt should be attractive for high-tort firms because they have a large class of unsecured and uncovenanted creditors (tort claimants) exposed to redistribution in bankruptcy through the use of secured credit. The paper's empirical analysis contradicts the redistributional theory's prediction, however. High-tort firms have unusually low amounts of secured debt. While this result is very difficult to explain under the redistributional theory, it can readily be explained according to other theories of secured debt. Several important policy implications for bankruptcy priorities follow from these findings.

许多学者质疑有担保债务在破产中享有的优先权。他们担心，有担保的债务将被用来低效地重新分配价值，使公司不受保护的债权人失去原有的价值。这些学者主张进行一系列法律创新，例如侵权索赔人相对于其他债权人的“优先级”，以缓解再分配问题。然而，其他学者将再分配问题最小化，并认为有担保信贷的优先权是有效的。为了帮助解决这一争论，本文从实证的角度考察了再分配理论。本文特别关注面临巨额侵权责任的公司(“高侵权”公司)的担保债务使用情况。从理论上讲，担保债务对高侵权公司应该是有吸引力的，因为它们有一大群无担保和无契约的债权人(侵权索赔人)，通过使用担保信贷，在破产中可以重新分配。然而，本文的实证分析与再分配理论的预测相矛盾。高侵权行为的公司有担保债务的数量非常少。虽然这一结果很难在再分配理论下解释，但根据其他担保债务理论很容易解释。这些发现对破产优先事项有几个重要的政策影响。

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引用次数: 16

Title VII disparate impact suits against state governments after Hibbs and Lane. 在希布斯和莱恩之后针对州政府的第七条歧视影响诉讼。

IF 1.9 2区社会学 Q1 LAW

Duke Law Journal

Pub Date : 2005-12-01

Claude Platton

引用次数: 0

How the Dissent Becomes the Majority: Using Federalism to Transform Coalitions in the U.S. Supreme Court 异议如何成为多数:利用联邦制改变美国最高法院的联盟

IF 1.9 2区社会学 Q1 LAW

Duke Law Journal

Pub Date : 2005-11-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.846585

V. Baird, Tonja Jacobi

This Article proposes that dissenting Supreme Court Justices provide cues in their written opinions about how future litigants can reframe case facts and legal arguments in similar future cases to garner majority support. Questions of federal-state power cut across most other substantive legal issues, and this can provide a mechanism for splitting existing majorities in future cases. By signaling to future litigants when this potential exists, dissenting judges can transform a dissent into a majority in similar future cases. We undertake an empirical investigation of dissenting opinions in which the dissenting Justice suggests that future cases ought to be framed in terms of federal-state powers. We show that when dissenting opinions signal a preference for transforming an issue into an argument about federal-state power, more subsequent cases in that area are decided on that basis. Moreover, the previous minority coalition is in the majority significantly more often, showing that these signals are systematically successful. Not only can federalism-based dissents transform the rhetoric of cases, they can systematically and significantly shift the outcome of cases in the direction of the dissenting Justices’ views.

本文建议持不同意见的最高法院法官在其书面意见中提供线索，说明未来的诉讼当事人如何在类似的未来案件中重新构建案件事实和法律论据，以获得多数人的支持。联邦-州政府权力的问题跨越了大多数其他实质性法律问题，这可以在未来的案件中提供一种分裂现有多数的机制。当这种可能性存在时，通过向未来的诉讼当事人发出信号，持不同意见的法官可以在未来类似的案件中将异议转化为多数。我们对不同意见进行了实证调查，其中持不同意见的大法官建议，未来的案件应该根据联邦政府的权力来制定。我们表明，当不同意见表明倾向于将一个问题转化为关于联邦-州权力的争论时，该领域的更多后续案件都是在此基础上决定的。此外，以前的少数派联盟在多数派中占据明显更多的席位，这表明这些信号在系统上是成功的。以联邦制为基础的异议不仅可以改变案件的措辞，还可以系统地、显著地将案件的结果转向持不同意见的大法官的观点。

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引用次数: 20

Political Trials in Domestic and International Law 国内法和国际法中的政治审判

IF 1.9 2区社会学 Q1 LAW

Duke Law Journal

Pub Date : 2005-04-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.707870

E. Posner

Due process protections and other constitutional restrictions normally ensure that citizens cannot be tried and punished for political dissent, but these same restrictions interfere with criminal convictions of terrorists and others who pose a non-immediate but real threat to public safety. To counter these threats, governments may use various subterfuges to avoid constitutional protections, often with the complicity of judges, but when they do so, they risk losing the confidence of the public, which may believe that the government targets legitimate political opponents. This paper argues that the amount of process enjoyed by defendants in criminal trials reflects a balancing of these two factors: their dangerousness, on the one hand, and the risk to legitimate political competition, on the other hand. Political trials are those in which the defendant's opposition to the existing government or the constitutional order is the main issue. The paper discusses various ways in which governments and judges adjust process protections, so that a public threat can be countered while the risks to political competition are minimized. International trials are also discussed within this framework.

正当程序保护和其他宪法限制通常确保公民不会因政治异议而受到审判和惩罚，但这些限制也妨碍对恐怖分子和其他对公共安全构成非直接但实际威胁的人进行刑事定罪。为了应对这些威胁，政府可能会使用各种各样的借口来避开宪法的保护，通常还有法官的共谋，但当他们这样做时，他们可能会失去公众的信任，公众可能会认为政府针对的是合法的政治对手。本文认为，被告在刑事审判中享有的程序数量反映了这两个因素的平衡:一方面是其危险性，另一方面是合法政治竞争的风险。在政治审判中，被告对现有政府或宪法秩序的反对是主要问题。本文讨论了政府和法官调整程序保护的各种方法，以便在最大限度地降低政治竞争风险的同时，能够应对公共威胁。在此框架内还讨论了国际试验。

引用次数: 97

Valuing life: a plea for disaggregation. 珍视生命:对分解的请求。

IF 1.9 2区社会学 Q1 LAW

Duke Law Journal

Pub Date : 2004-11-01

Cass R Sunstein

Each government agency uses a uniform figure to measure the value of a statistical life (VSL). This is a serious mistake. The very theory that underlies current practice calls for far more individuation of the relevant values. According to that theory, VSL should vary across risks. More controversially, VSL should vary across individuals -- even or especially if the result would be to produce a lower number for some people than for others. One practical implication is that a higher value should be given to programs that reduce cancer risks. Another is that government should use a higher VSL for programs that disproportionately benefit the wealthy -- and a lower VSL for programs that disproportionately benefit the poor. But there are two serious complications here. First, bounded rationality raises problems for the use of private willingness to pay, which underlies current calculations of VSL. Second, the beneficiaries of regulation sometimes pay only a fraction or even none of its cost; when this is so, the appropriate VSL for poor people might be higher, on distributional grounds, than market evidence suggests. An understanding of this point has implications for foundational issues about government regulation, including valuation of persons in poor and wealthy nations.

每个政府机构使用一个统一的数字来衡量统计寿命(VSL)的价值。这是一个严重的错误。作为当前实践基础的理论本身，就要求对相关价值观进行更大程度的个性化。根据该理论，VSL应该因风险而异。更有争议的是，VSL应该因人而异——即使或者特别是如果结果是某些人产生的数字比其他人低。一个实际的含义是，应该给予降低癌症风险的项目更高的价值。另一种观点是，政府应该把更高的最低生活水平用于那些不成比例地惠及富人的项目，而把更低的最低生活水平用于那些不成比例地惠及穷人的项目。但这里有两个严重的并发症。首先，有限理性提出了使用私人支付意愿的问题，这是当前VSL计算的基础。其次，监管的受益者有时只支付一小部分成本，甚至不支付成本;当这种情况发生时，从分配的角度来看，适合穷人的VSL可能比市场证据显示的要高。对这一点的理解对政府监管的基本问题有影响，包括对穷国和富国的人的评估。

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引用次数: 0

Rehabilitating bioethics: recontextualizing in vitro fertilization outside contractual autonomy. 恢复生物伦理:契约自主之外的体外受精重新语境化。

IF 1.9 2区社会学 Q1 LAW

Duke Law Journal

Pub Date : 2004-11-01

Olivia Lin

引用次数: 0

When privacy fails: invoking a property paradigm to mandate the destruction of DNA samples. 当隐私失效时:调用财产范式来强制销毁DNA样本。

IF 1.9 2区社会学 Q1 LAW

Duke Law Journal

Pub Date : 2004-10-01

Leigh M Harlan

引用次数: 0

Commons ignorance: the failure of environmental law to produce needed information on health and the environment. 公共无知:环境法未能提供有关健康和环境的必要信息。

IF 1.9 2区社会学 Q1 LAW

Duke Law Journal

Pub Date : 2004-04-01

Wendy E Wagner

One of the most significant problems facing environmental law is the dearth of scientific information available to assess the impact of industrial activities on public health and the environment. After documenting the significant gaps in existing information, this Article argues that existing laws both exacerbate and perpetuate this problem. By failing to require actors to assess the potential harm from their activities, and by penalizing them with additional regulation when they do, existing laws fail to counteract actors' natural inclination to remain silent about the harms that they might be causing. Both theory and practice confirm that when the stakes are high, actors not only will resist producing potentially incriminating information but will invest in discrediting public research that suggests their activities are harmful. The Article concludes with specific recommendations about how these perverse incentives for ignorance can be reversed.

环境法面临的最重大问题之一是缺乏可用于评估工业活动对公众健康和环境影响的科学信息。在记录了现有信息中的重大差距之后，本文认为，现有法律既加剧了这一问题，又使其长期存在。由于没有要求行为者评估其活动的潜在危害，并且在他们这样做时通过额外的监管来惩罚他们，现有法律无法抵消行为者对他们可能造成的危害保持沉默的自然倾向。理论和实践都证实，当风险很高时，行为者不仅会拒绝提供可能有罪的信息，而且会投资于诋毁表明他们的活动有害的公共研究。文章最后提出了具体的建议，说明如何扭转这些对无知的不正当激励。

引用次数: 0

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